His face, physique and bearing gave no indication of the fire in his heart. He did not interrupt any speaker for putting in what he thought of the matter in debate, he quietly waited for his turn. It was only when he started presenting his ideas that one discovered his tendency towards argumentation along with a touch of the youthful impatience. He reminded one of political activists who had been through a few study circles.
"Radicalised by Soviet education", a somewhat senior leader from Balochistan whispered in my ear as we proceeded with the discussion on federalism in Pakistan.
That was Habib Jalib at the beginning of his political career.
There were quite a few ups and downs in Habib Jalib's journey in politics. He became a Senator quite early in life and took time to find his place in the fragmented nationalist plank in Balochistan till he settled down in the role of a key player in the Balochistan National Party (Mengal). With time his speech became angrier and his impatience with all those who failed to see and address his people's exploitation grew. At the same time he earned high marks for shepherding the flock while the party chief, Akhtar Mengal, was in prison in Karachi as a result of one of the most horrible cases of abuse of power in the country.
Unfortunately Balochistan's politicians have, throughout the six decades of Pakistan's history, been condemned to fight for their very basic right to political autonomy and the inherent dignity of their people. They have never been allowed to demonstrate their capacity for promoting their people's weal and uplifting the under-privileged. Even those who have been invited to join the games of musical chairs in the halls of power have had to spend most of their time in trying to retain a fickle-minded centre's favour. Thus, it is difficult to judge what Habib Jalib, like many other Baloch leaders disposed of before him, was capable of and what he might have done on an even playing field.
From the point of view of the ordinary citizens of Pakistan, who care for the state's solidarity and Balochistan's rights more than their rulers, the most important feature of Habib Jalib Baloch's political creed was his faith in peaceful, constitutional change. He belonged to the fast dwindling band of politicians who still believed in the possibility of bringing Balochistan into the country's political mainstream. Everyone should be able to realise what the brutal cutting down of such a person means -- for the future of Balochistan and for the future of Pakistan.
It is necessary to keep in mind the fact that events derive their significance from the context. Habib Jalib might not have been among the most important of the national leaders; his murder has taken place at a time when the Balochistan people have reached the end of their endurance. Nobody need ignore the weight of a straw on a camel's over-burdened back.
All kinds of efforts -- some earnest and some others for mere demonstration -- will be made to identify the hands that committed the foul deed. Much is likely to be made of the state of lawlessness in Balochistan and the spate of target-killings. Anarchy, like an epidemic, often offers a ready excuse to all those who cannot, or do not wish to, deal with crimes of high order or plain reality.
Even if Habib Jalib's killer is caught it will not be easy to convince the Balochistan people that he (or his accomplices) alone can be blamed for the murder. Assassins are often not independent agents. The Baloch people have been driven into a state of living by their impressions. There is good reason to listen carefully to Akhtar Mengal when he includes Habib Jalib's assassination in the list of unsolved murders of Liaquat Ali Khan, Akbar Bugti and Benazir Bhutto and points his finger towards an establishment about which nobody has any illusions. The danger that the angry militants will use the latest events to increase their hold on the population is too obvious to be ignored by anyone.
No, catching a man or two won't do. It will not be possible to persuade the people of Balochistan that Habib Jalib's assassination can be seen in isolation from the killing of many nationalist politicians, the enforced disappearance of a large number of young persons, the denial of the people's right to be the masters in their land and to the control of their natural resources.
Thus, while the so called law and order agencies may do what they must to secure the ends of justice, Islamabad should realise the dangers of allowing Balochistan's alienation to continue any further. The situation there can no longer be managed through half-hearted promises and long-gestation packages, especially in view of the fact that the region is becoming a hotbed of international intrigue. Whatever is necessary to stop the bleeding of the Baloch must be done and sooner than it takes to make such a statement.
It is time the Baloch were enabled to learn through practical experience that they are free to live in their land as they want to. Once this happens Islamabad might find in the Baloch a friend such as it does not have anywhere else.
The steps that need to be taken to start the process of winning the Balochistan people's trust have been identified many times over. These are: an end to military's dominance in all Balochistan affairs, recovery of the involuntarily disappeared persons, restoration of Balochistan's control over its lands and other resources, and fresh elections to undo the harm caused in 2008. Nothing short of this will bring peace and order to the ravaged land of the Baloch. One can only hope that even this may not be too little, too late.
Source: http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2010-weekly/nos-18-07-2010/enc.htm#1
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