Long live free and united Balochistan

Long live free and united Balochistan

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Baluchistani Political and other organisations held a demonstration in London
outside the US Embassy on the occasion of 63rd occupation anniversary of

5th graduation celebration of Baloch students - zahedan

Pakistan’s Secret Dirty War

The bodies surface quietly, like corks bobbing up in the dark. They come in twos and threes, a few times a week, dumped on desolate mountains or empty city roads, bearing the scars of great cruelty. Arms and legs are snapped; faces are bruised and swollen. Flesh is sliced with knives or punctured with drills; genitals are singed with electric prods. In some cases the bodies are unrecognisable, sprinkled with lime or chewed by wild animals. All have a gunshot wound in the head.
This gruesome parade of corpses has been surfacing in BalochistanPakistan‘s largest province, since last July. Several human rights groups, including Amnesty International, have accounted for more than 100 bodies – lawyers, students, taxi drivers, farm workers. Most have been tortured. The last three were discovered on Sunday.
If you have not heard of this epic killing spree, though, don’t worry: neither have most Pakistanis. Newspaper reports from Balochistan are buried quietly on the inside pages, cloaked in euphemisms or, quite often, not published at all.
The forces of law and order also seem to be curiously indifferent to the plight of the dead men. Not a single person has been arrested or prosecuted; in fact, police investigators openly admit they are not even looking for anyone. The stunning lack of interest in Pakistan’s greatest murder mystery in decades becomes more understandable, however, when it emerges that the prime suspect is not some shady gang of sadistic serial killers, but the country’s powerful military and its unaccountable intelligence men.
This is Pakistan’s dirty little war. While foreign attention is focused on the Taliban, a deadly secondary conflict is bubbling in Balochistan, a sprawling, mineral-rich province along the western borders with Afghanistan and Iran. On one side is a scrappy coalition of guerrillas fighting for independence from Pakistan; on the other is a powerful army that seeks to quash their insurgency with maximum prejudice. The revolt, which has been rumbling for more than six years, is spiced by foreign interests and intrigues – US spy bases, Chinese business, vast underground reserves of copper, oil and gold.
And in recent months it has grown dramatically worse. At the airport in Quetta, the provincial capital, a brusque man in a cheap suit marches up to my taxi with a rattle of questions. “Who is this? What’s he doing here? Where is he staying?” he asks the driver, jerking a thumb towards me. Scribbling the answers, he waves us on. “Intelligence,” says the driver.
The city itself is tense, ringed by jagged, snow-dusted hills and crowded with military checkposts manned by the Frontier Corps (FC), a paramilitary force in charge of security. Schools have recently raised their walls; sand-filled Hesco barricades, like the ones used in Kabul and Baghdad, surround the FC headquarters. In a restaurant the waiter apologises: tandoori meat is off the menu because the nationalists blew up the city’s gas pipeline a day earlier. The gas company had plugged the hole that morning, he explains, but then the rebels blew it up again.
The home secretary, Akbar Hussain Durrani, a neatly suited, well-spoken man, sits in a dark and chilly office. Pens, staplers and telephones are neatly laid on the wide desk before him, but his computer is blank. The rebels have blown up a main pylon, he explains, so the power is off. Still, he insists, things are fine. “The government agencies are operating in concert, everyone is acting in the best public interest,” he says. “This is just a . . . political problem.” As we speak, a smiling young man walks in and starts to take my photo; I later learn he works for the military’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) spy agency.
We cut across the city, twisting through the backstreets, my guide glancing nervously out the rear window. The car halts before a tall gate that snaps shut behind us. Inside, a 55-year-old woman named Lal Bibi is waiting, wrapped in a shawl that betrays only her eyes, trembling as she holds forth a picture of her dead son Najibullah. The 20-year-old, who ran a shop selling motorbike parts, went missing last April after being arrested at an FC checkpost, she says. His body turned up three months later, dumped in a public park on the edge of Quetta, badly tortured. “He had just two teeth in his mouth,” she says in a voice crackling with pain. She turns to her father, a turbaned old man sitting beside her, and leans into his shoulder. He grimaces.
Bibi says her family was probably targeted for its nationalist ties – Najibullah’s older brother, now dead, had joined the “men in the mountains” years earlier, she says. Now a nephew, 28-year-old Maqbool, is missing. She prays for him, regularly calling the hospitals for any sign of him and, occasionally, the city morgues.
Over a week of interviews in Karachi and Quetta, I meet the relatives of seven dead men and nine “disappeared” – men presumed to have been abducted by the security forces. One man produces a mobile phone picture of the body of his 22-year-old cousin, Mumtaz Ali Kurd, his eyes black with swelling and his shirt drenched in blood. A relative of Zaman Khan, one of three lawyers killed in the past nine months, produces court papers. A third trembles as he describes finding his brother’s body in an orchard near Quetta.
Patterns emerge. The victims were generally men between 20 and 40 years old – nationalist politicians, students, shopkeepers, labourers. In many cases they were abducted in broad daylight – dragged off buses, marched out of shops, detained at FC checkposts – by a combination of uniformed soldiers and plain-clothes intelligence men. Others just vanished. They re-emerge, dead, with an eerie tempo – approximately 15 bodies every month, although the average was disturbed last Saturday when eight bodies were found in three locations across Balochistan.
Activists have little doubt who is behind the atrocities. Human Rights Watch says “indisputable” evidence points to the hand of the FC, the ISI and its sister agency, Military Intelligence. A local group, Voice for Missing Persons, says the body count has surpassed 110. “This is becoming a state of terror,” says its chairman, Naseerullah Baloch.
The army denies the charges, saying its good name is being blemished by impersonators. “Militants are using FC uniforms to kidnap people and malign our good name,” says Major General Obaid Ullah Khan Niazi, commander of the 46,000 FC troops stationed in Balochistan. “Our job is to enforce the law, not to break it.”
Despairing relatives feel cornered. Abdul Rahim, a farmer wearing a jewelled skullcap, is from Khuzdar, a hotbed of insurgent violence. He produces court papers detailing the abduction of his son Saadullah in 2009. First he went to the courts but then his lawyer was shot dead. Then he went to the media but the local press club president was killed. Now, Rahim says, “nobody will help in case they are targeted too. We are hopeless.”
Balochistan has long been an edgy place. Its vast, empty deserts and long borders are a magnet for provocateurs of every stripe. Taliban fighters slip back and forth along the 800-mile Afghan border; Iranian dissidents hide inside the 570-mile frontier with Iran. Drug criminals cross the border from Helmand, the world’s largest source of heroin, on their way to Iran or lonely beaches on the Arabian Sea. Wealthy Arab sheikhs fly into remote airstrips on hunting expeditions for the houbara bustard, a bird they believe improves their lovemaking. At Shamsi, a secretive airbase in a remote valley in the centre of the province, CIA operatives launch drones that attack Islamists in the tribal belt.
The US spies appreciate the lack of neighbours – Balochistan covers 44% of Pakistan yet has half the population of Karachi. The province’s other big draw is its natural wealth. At Reko Diq, 70 miles from the Afghan border, a Canadian-Chilean mining consortium has struck gold, big-time. The Tethyan company has discovered 4bn tonnes of mineable ore that will produce an estimated 200,000 tonnes of copper and 250,000 ounces of gold per year, making it one of the largest such mines in the world. The project is currently stalled by a tangled legal dispute, but offers a tantalising taste of Balochistan’s vast mineral riches, which also includes oil, gas, platinum and coal. So far it is largely untapped, though, and what mining exists is scrappy and dangerous. On 21 March, 50 coal workers perished in horrific circumstances when methane gas flooded their mine near Quetta, then catastrophically exploded.
Two conflicts are rocking the province. North of Quetta, in a belt of land adjoining the Afghan border, is the ethnic Pashtun belt. Here, Afghan Taliban insurgents shelter in hardline madrasas and lawless refugee camps, taking rest in between bouts of battle with western soldiers in Afghanistan. It is home to the infamous “Quetta shura”, the Taliban war council, and western officials say the ISI is assisting them. Some locals agree. “It’s an open secret,” an elder from Kuchlak tells me. “The ISI gave a fleet of motorbikes to local elders, who distributed them to the fighters crossing the border. Nobody can stop them.”
The other conflict is unfolding south of Quetta, in a vast sweep that stretches from the Quetta suburbs to the Arabian Sea, in the ethnic Baloch and Brahui area, whose people have always been reluctant Pakistanis. The first Baloch revolt erupted in 1948, barely six months after Pakistan was born; this is the fifth. The rebels are splintered into several factions, the largest of which is the Balochistan Liberation Army. They use classic guerrilla tactics – ambushing military convoys, bombing gas pipelines, occasionally lobbing rockets into Quetta city. Casualties are relatively low: 152 FC soldiers died between 2007 and 2010, according to official figures, compared with more than 8,000 soldiers and rebels in the 1970s conflagration.
But this insurgency seems to have spread deeper into Baloch society than ever before. Anti-Pakistani fervour has gripped the province. Baloch schoolchildren refuse to sing the national anthem or fly its flag; women, traditionally secluded, have joined the struggle. Universities have become hotbeds of nationalist sentiment. “This is not just the usual suspects,” says Rashed Rahman, editor of theDaily Times, one of few papers that regularly covers the conflict.
At a Quetta safehouse I meet Asad Baloch, a wiry, talkative 22-year-old activist with the Baloch Students’ Organisation (Azad). “We provide moral and political support to the fighters,” he says. “We are making people aware. When they are aware, they act.” It is a risky business: about one-third of all “kill and dump” victims were members of the BSO.
Baloch anger is rooted in poverty. Despite its vast natural wealth, Balochistan is desperately poor – barely 25% of the population is literate (the national average is 47%), around 30% are unemployed and just 7% have access to tap water. And while Balochistan provides one-third of Pakistan’s natural gas, only a handful of towns are hooked up to the supply grid.
The insurgents are demanding immediate control of the natural resources and, ultimately, independence. “We are not part of Pakistan,” says Baloch.
His phone rings. News comes through that another two bodies have been discovered near the coast. One, Abdul Qayuum, was a BSO activist. Days later, videos posted on YouTube show an angry crowd carrying his bloodied corpse into a mortuary. He had been shot in the head.
The FC commander, Maj Gen Niazi, wearing a sharp, dark suit and with neatly combed hair (he has just come from a conference) says he has little time for the rebel demand. “The Baloch are being manipulated by their leaders,” he says, noting that the scions of the main nationalist groups live in exile abroad –Hyrbyair Marri in London; Brahamdagh Bugti in Geneva. “They are enjoying the life in Europe while their people suffer in the mountains,” he says with a sigh.
Worse again, he adds, they were supported by India. The Punjabi general offers no proof for his claim, but US and British intelligence broadly agree, according to the recent WikiLeaks cables. India sees Balochistan as payback for Pakistani meddling in Kashmir – which explains why Pakistani generals despise the nationalists so much. “Paid killers,” says Niazi. He vehemently denies involvement in human rights violations. “To us, each and every citizen of Balochistan is equally dear,” he says.
Civilian officials in the province, however, have another story. Last November, the provincial chief minister, Aslam Raisani, told the BBC that the security forces were “definitely” guilty of some killings; earlier this month, the province’s top lawyer, Salahuddin Mengal, told the supreme court the FC was “lifting people at will”. He resigned a week later.
However, gross human rights abuses are not limited to the army. As the conflict drags on, the insurgents have become increasingly brutal and ruthless. In the past two years, militants have kidnapped aid workers, killed at least four journalists and, most disturbingly, started to target “settlers” – unarmed civilians, mostly from neighbouring Punjab, many of whom have lived in Balochistan for decades. Some 113 settlers were killed in cold blood last year, according to government figures – civil servants, shopkeepers, miners. On 21 March, militants riding motorbikes sprayed gunfire into a camp of construction workers near Gwadar, killing 11; the Baloch Liberation Front claimed responsibility. Most grotesque, perhaps, are the attacks on education: 22 school teachers, university lecturers and education officials have been assassinated since January 2008, causing another 200 to flee their jobs.
As attitudes harden, the middle ground is being swept away in tide of bloodshed. “Our politicians have been silenced,” says Habib Tahir, a human rights lawyer in Quetta. “They are afraid of the young.” I ask a student in Quetta to defend the killing of teachers. “They are not teachers, they work for the intelligence agencies,” one student tells me. “They are like thieves coming into our homes. They must go.”
The Islamabad government seems helpless to halt Balochistan’s slide into chaos. Two years ago, President Asif Ali Zardari announced a sweeping package of measures intended to assuage Baloch grievances, including thousands of jobs, a ban on new military garrisons and payment of $1.4bn (£800m) in overdue natural gas royalties. But violence has hijacked politics, the plan is largely untouched, and anaemic press coverage means there is little outside pressure for action.
Pakistan’s foreign allies, obsessed with hunting Islamists, have ignored the problem. “We are the most secular people in the region, and still we are being ignored,” says Noordin Mengal, who represents Balochistan on the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.
In this information vacuum, the powerful do as they please. Lawyer Kachkol Ali witnessed security forces drag three men from his office in April 2009. Their bodies turned up five days later, dead and decomposed. After telling his story to the press, Ali was harassed by military intelligence, who warned him his life was in danger. He fled the country. “In Pakistan, there is only rule of the jungle,” he says by phone from Lørenskog, a small Norwegian town where he won asylum last summer. “Our security agencies pick people up and treat them like war criminals,” he says. “They don’t even respect the dead.”
Balochistan’s dirty little war pales beside Pakistan’s larger problems – the Taliban, al-Qaida, political upheaval. But it highlights a very fundamental danger – the ability of Pakistanis to live together in a country that, under its Islamic cloak, is a patchwork of ethnicities and cultures. “Balochistan is a warning of the real battle for Pakistan, which is about power and resources,” says Haris Gazdar, a Karachi-based researcher. “And if we don’t get it right, we’re headed for a major conflict.”
Before leaving Quetta I meet Faiza Mir, a 36-year-old lecturer in international relations at Quetta’s Balochistan University. Militants have murdered four of her colleagues in the past three years, all because they were “Punjabi”. Driving on to the campus, she points out the spots where they were killed, knowing she could be next.
“I can’t leave,” says Mir, a sparky woman with an irrepressible smile. “This is my home too.” And so she engages in debate with students, sympathising with their concerns. “I try to make them understand that talk is better than war,” she says.
But some compromises are impossible. Earlier on, students had asked Mir to remove a portrait of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan’s founding father, from her office wall. Mir politely refused, and Jinnah – an austere lawyer in a Savile Row suit – still stares down from her wall.
But how long will he stay there? “That’s difficult to say,” she answers. (Courtesy: Guardian, UK)
Declan Walsh is the Guardian’s foreign correspondent for Pakistan and Afghanistan

پاسخ زن بازيگر پاكستاني به ملايي كه او را به بي اخلاقي متهم مي كند
اين ويديو از پاكستان است كه واقعا بايد تماشا كرد. اين ملا از رفتار به نظر ايشان غيراخلاقي اين خانم در يك Indian Reality TV Show ايراد گرفته است.

جهت نمايش ويدئو در يوتوب اينجا كليك كنيد.

Inside Balochistan

The Pakistani province of Balochistan, tight up against the Taliban stronghold of Helmand and sitting on untold mineral wealth, is riven by violent revolt.
Relatives of men who have been abducted in Balochistan by, they claim, the government's Frontier Corps. Photograph: Declan Walsh for the Guardian

Afghanistan, the centre of the Taliban insurgency and the world's single largest source of heroin. Baram Cha, a small town tucked into the Chagai Hills just inside the Afghan border, is a notorious hub of heroin processing labs, and has been raided by helicopter-borne teams of British special forces and Afghan counter-narcotics soldiers. From Helmand, the drugs cross Balochistan via two routes – west to Iran and south to the Makran coast on the Arabian Sea.

Gwadar port Completed in 2008, this Chinese-built project transformed a sleepy Baloch fishing village into a major deep-water port. It's strategically located near the Straits of Hormuz – a major oil shipping lane – and China wants access to the sea for its land-locked western provinces. But the US sees it as a potential military base, and the UAE considers it unwelcome competition. Baloch nationalists view Gwadar as an imposition by the central government whose benefits will bypass the province. It has become a hub of violent upheaval in the past two years, with shootings and bombings by nationalists, and reprisal abductions and killings by the security forces. Gwadar was not traditionally under the sway of tribal leaders, suggesting that Balochistan's fifth insurgency has a broader reach than previous ones.

Nato supply lines After the Khyber Pass, Balochistan is Nato's second largest Pakistani supply route to troops in Afghanistan. More than 3,000 trucks pass through Balochistan every month. Between nine and 12 of them are attacked and burned every month, according to army figures. It is not clear whether the attacks are by Baloch militants or pro-Taliban Islamists.

Taliban bases Taliban fighters rest and recuperate in madrasas and mosques dotted along the ethnic Pashtun belt of Balochistan, between Quetta and the border, where at least 30% of the population lives.

Nationalist insurgency One of the world largest natural gas fields is located at Sui, which provides approximately 30% of Pakistan's gas needs. The insurgency started in earnest from this region from 2005, when Bugti tribesmen attacked Pakistani security forces guarding the gas field. In 2006, the army killed the Bugti leader, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, at a cave in the mountains near Kohlu, dramatically fuelling the insurgency. Quetta, the provincial capital, has seen many "disappearances" of Baloch nationalists in recent years. Since July it has also seen a steady stream of bodies dropped on the edge of the city. Electricity, gas supplies and train services to the city are frequently attacked by Baloch rebels. The small town of Khuzdar is home to the Mengal tribe, which has been involved in several of Balochistan's insurgencies over the past six decades. It has seen a string of violent acts in the past year – shootings of journalists, abduction of Baloch activists by security forces, dumping of bodies bearing torture marks. Nationalist rebels, in turn, have lobbed rockets into the local Frontier Corps base and ambushed military convoys.


مخالفان شیعه بحرین خواستار دخالت نکردن ایران در امور این کشور شدند

مخالفان شیعه بحرین خواستار دخالت نکردن ایران در امور این کشور شدند

به گزارش خبرگزاری فرانسه، علی سلمان، رهبر حزب وفاق، که در یک نشست خبری در منامه سخن می‌گفت هم‌چنین هشدار داد که بحرین نباید تبدیل به صحنه رقابت میان ایران و عربستان سعودی شود.
علی سلمان در پایتخت بحرین گفت: «ما نمی‌خواهیم بحرین تبدیل به منطقه نزاع میان عربستان سعودی و ایران شود.» وی افزود: «به این خاطر با مداخله عربستان مخالفیم و خواهان عقب‌نشینی بی‌درنگ نیروهای سعودی هستیم و دخالت ایران را رد می‌کنیم.»
رد مداخله ایران در بحرین از سوی حزب وفاق، عمده‌ترین حزب مخالف شیعه در بحرین، در حالی است که این حزب، روز یک‌شنبه اعلام کرد که این گروه میانجی‌گیری کویت در بحران سیاسی این کشور راپذیرفته‌است.
به گزارش خبرگزاری رویترز، شیخ صباح الاحمد الصباح، امیر کویت برای میانجی‌گری میان اپوزیسیون شیعه و حکومت آل خلیفه اعلام آمادگی کرده‌است.
حکومت سنی‌مذهب بحرین در ماه جاری میلادی و همزمان با اوج‌گیری ناآرامی‌ها، از نیروهای عربستان سعودی و امارات متحده عربی خواست به این کشور بیایند تا اوضاع این شیخ‌نشین از کنترل خاندان حاکم خارج نشود.
راشد بن عبدالله آل خلیفه، وزیر کشور بحرین روز چهارشنبه گفت که طی ناآرامی‌های یک ماه اخیر این کشور، ۲۴ تن کشته شده‌اند که چهار تن از آنها از نیروهای پلیس بوده‌اند. وی هم‌چنین ناآرامی‌ها در کشورش را با گروه حزب‌الله لبنان که از سوی ایران پشتیبانی می‌شود مرتبط دانست.
دوشنبه گذشته شبکه تلویزیونی العربیه خبر داد که مقام‌های بحرینی می‌گویند «ایران به اپوزیسیون بحرین سیستم‌های ارتباطی ارسال کرده‌است.»
در همان روز هم‌چنین عبدالرحمان العطیه، دبیرکل شورای همکاری خلیج (فارس)، در ابوظبی به خبرنگاران گفت: «ما هرگونه مداخله در امور داخلی خود را رد می‌کنیم و یکی از این کشورهای (مداخله‌گر) ایران است.»
در همین حال، وزارت امور خارجه ایران سفیران بحرین و عربستان را احضار و به «دخالت نظامی در بحرین» اعتراض کرده‌است.
همزمان، علی اکبر صالحی، وزیر امور خارجه جمهوری اسلامی، در نامه‌ای به سازمان ملل، اتحادیه عرب و سازمان کنفرانس اسلامی از «مداخله نظامی در بحرین» ابراز نگرانی کرده و خواهان توقف آن شده‌است.
سرنوشت پادشاهی بحرین به‌خصوص برای ایالات متحده حائز اهمیت است زیرا ناوگان آمریکایی مستقر در بحرین تاکنون نقش وزنه مقابل نفوذ ایران در منطقه را داشته‌است.


دمکراسی از طریق سکولاریسم و فدرالیزم برای خاورمیانه ‫رضا حسین بر

دمکراسی از طریق سکولاریسم و فدرالیزم برای خاورمیانه ‫رضا حسین بر

‫ ‫کسانی که آینده دور را نبینند، در آینده نزدیکی در چاه خواهند افتاد. روندگانی که مقصد مشخصی نداشته باشند، بزودی گم شده و سرگردان میگردند. تحول سازانی که مسیر راه را تعیین نکرده باشند، به انجایی میرسند که دشمنان آنان تعیین میکنند. تغییر دهندگان شرایط موجود شاید تغییراتی بیاورند که از شرایط موجود هم بدتر باشد؛ مگر اینکه بینش شفافی از آینده و نقشه راهی برای رسیدن به آن داشته باشند.

انقلاب ۵۷ ایران همه این اصول را به اثبات رساند. ‫ بنظر میرسد که اکنون مصر در چنین شرایطی باشد. جوانان مدرن و سکولار که انقلاب مصر را به ثمر رساندند، کم و بیش از صحنه خارج شده اند. شورای نظامی که مملکت را اداره میکند، بیشتر با اخوان المسلمین رابطه دارد تا جوانان. انقلاب کوتاه مدت مصر نتوانست یک رهبر جوان و کارزماتیک بوجود بیاورد که قدرت بینش سازی داشته و مردم را بسوی اهداف و ارزش های توسعه پایدار و دمکراسی توانبخش و آزادی فکر ساز هدایت کند. ‫

‫در شرایط تحولات تند و سریع، رهبرانی لازم هستند که از قبل چندین برنامه برای شرایط متفاوت داشته باشند؛ و، در عین حال، سریعا بتوان‌ند هدفها و راهکارهای جدید و مناسب عرضه نمایند. ‫اغتشاش، ‫بی اطمینانی، ابهام و توهم، سرعت تغییرات از خصوصیات اوضاع کنونی است. یک رهبر و یا گروه رهبری باید بتواند از درون همه چالش ها آینده را ببیند و با روشن کردن ابهامات و زدودن توهمات و مدیریت تغییرات و ا عتماد دهی به مردم راه را برای حرکت هدفمند و آزادی محور هموار کند. ‫نداشتن برنامه و بینش از خصوصیات حاکمان کنونی خوورمیانه است. ‫آنان هر گز بینشی ناشی از آرمانهای مدرن و برخاسته از دل مردم خود نداشته اند و ناگزیر، همشه در تضاد با مطالبات آنان رفتار کرده اند. حاصل آن است که این کشورها و ملت ها به شدت فقیر و عقب مانده باقی مانده اند و حاکمان به شدت پولدار شده اند. چه کسی باور میکرد که حسنی مبارک حدود ۷۰ میلیارد دلار دزدیده باشد؛ آن هم از مصر ی که یکی از فقیر ترین کشورهای خاورمیانه است. چه کسی باور میکرد که حاکمان جمهوری اسلامی در یک مورد، هیجده و نیم میلیارد دلار از کشور خارج کند که در ترکیه گیر افتاده باشد.

شوری که مردم عرب را در سطحی چنین بزرگ شورانده است، ناشی از شوقی عظیم برای کسب شرف و احترام است. انها در این صد سال اخیر، در تمام جهان، شدیدا سر افکنده شدند و به خفت و خواری بی سابقه آیی دوچار گردیدند که فقط از طریق خشونت و تروریسم، صدای خود را به جهانیان میرساندند. اما اکنون به این آگاهی رسیده اند که احترام جهانی در شرافتمندی ملی است. کسی که در مملکت خود احترام، نداشته باشد، در هیچ جای دنیا احترام نخواهد داشت.‫چنین ارزش ها و اصولی نیاز به رهبران و مدیران کاملا جدیدی دارند که از خارج از دستگاه های حکومتی کنونی بیرون آمده باشند. کسانی که چندین مرحله بالاتر از سطح کنونی بیندیشند، حرف بزن‌ند و کار بکنند. اینگونه افراد، نه در سطح سیاسی وجود دارند و نه در سطح دانشگاهی و روشنفکری. مشکل دقیقا در همین است و بهمین جهت، این موضوعات اصلا در دنیای عرب ‫به بحث گذاشته نمیشود. و ناگزیر، راه حلهای کارساز و مشکل گشا، در معرض افکار عمومی قرار نمیگیرد. ‫

سازندگان هند اصلا از یک نوع مخالف دستگاه حکومتی هند بودند؛ ولی در محیط دمکراتیک توانستند راهکار ها و اندیشه های نو را از پیش ببرند. انها حرکت را آغاز کردند و سپس دولتها دنباله رو انها شدند و یک فرهنگ سازندگی و رشد را برای همه خلق کردند که اکنون شاهد ثمرات آن هستیم. ‫‫‫از زمانی که هند به تولید ثروت پرداخته است، احترام بالایی در جهان به دست آورده؛ و همزمان، احترام مردم آن هم بالا رفته و نسبت به گذشته، اعتماد به نفس بیشتری احساس میکنند.

در سالهای اخیر، هر وقت من به ممالک عربی، سفر میکردم، احساس حقارت شدیدی را در عربها میدیدم و اروپاییان و امریکایی ها، بر خورد تحقیر آمیزی با انها داشتند. نماینده من در اردن فرزند یک تیمسار بود ولی نسبت به غربی ها شدیدا ، خود را کوچک میدید. نماینده من در عربستان سعودی یک شاهزاده بود اما در مقابل غربیها، خود را ناتوان می یافت. ‫اکنون تحقیر ها به انفجار تبدیل شده است. مردم بیش از هرچیز، خواستار عزت هستند و عزت فقط میتواند با برقراری نظامهای دمکراتیک و متعهد به حقوق بشر و توسعه پایدار و هماهنگ بدست بیاید. چنین خصوصیاتی فقط در یک بینش مدرن و سازنده که با رهبری و مدیریت موفق اجرا شود، امکان پذیر است. ‫اما این بینش در برنامه هیچ کدام از تغییر طلبآن وجود ندارد. انها میدانند که حاکمان فعلی، در سیستم های متمرکز، مملکت شان را به زلت و ظلمت کشاندند اما هنوز نمیدانند که نظامهای متمرکز در تمام ممالک، همین بازده را دارند و بهمین دلیل نوع نظام را باید در برنامه خود در اولویت قرار دهند. ‫در هنگام رای گیری در رفراندم مصر، اخوان المسلمین مردم را تشویق میکردند که در رفراندم حتما شرکت کنند؛ در غیر اینصورت امکان خواهد داشت که سکولارها روی کار بیایند.

جوانان مصر ی و تونسی و دیگر کشور ها باید مشخصا خواستار نظام های سکولار، فدرال و دمکراتیک باشند. در چنین نظامی است که انها شانس خواهند داشت که به عزت، حرمت، سربلندی و رفاه برسند. ‫ فریاد کشیدن برای آرزوها قدم اول است. برنامه ریزی آرزوها و فرموله کردن انها در سیاست های قابل عمل در یک نظام سکولار، فدرال و دمکراتیک گامهای بعدی هستند. ‫از آغاز باید پایان را در نظر داشت.

Balochi norooz song by Padik group(BBC persian norooz89)

Rostam Mirlashari and Abdolrahan Surizehi with norooz


زير گرفتن مسئولين جمعيت هلال احمر توسط امبولانس +18
اين حادثه در نوروز 1390 و در يكي از شهرهاي استانهاي تهران هنگام بازديد مسئولين از طرح اسكان مسافرين نوروزي جمعيت هلال احمر اتفاق افتاده است و يك تن كشته وشماري زخمي شده اند.

جهت نمايش ويدئو در يوتوب اينجا كليك كنيد.

كشف فسيل غول‌پيكر جد 2 ميليون ساله فيل

جمجمه و عاج‌هاي يكي از بستگان غول‌پيكر فيل‌ها كه بيش از 2 ميليون سال پيش مرده و در محيطي باتلاقي مدفون شده بود، سالم توسط چند كارگر ساختماني در شيلي از خاك بيرون آمد.

تعدادي از كارگران ساختماني جمجمه و عاج‌هاي غول‌پيكر يكي از اقوام نزديك فيل‌ها به نام ماستودون را از زير خاك بيرون آوردند. تصوير مي‌شود اين ماستودون (mastodon) كه تقريبا به اندازه فيل‌هاي مدرن است، قبل از مرگ در حال پرسه زدن در جنگل‌ها و جلگه‌هاي آن منطقه بود. گويا بعد از مرگ اين حيوان در يك مرداب فرو رفته و به اين ترتيب در اين مدت از اسكلت آن محافظت شده است.

به گزارش ديلي‌ميل، اين كشف به دانشمندان اجازه مي‌دهد اطلاعات بيش‌تري در مورد دي.ان.اي اين حيوانات به دست بياورند كه با اقوام بسيار بزرگ‌تر خود با نام ماموت اشتراكات زيادي دارند. اين مطالعات هم‌چنين مي‌تواند دانشمندان را در فهم سرمنشا پيدايش فيل‌ها ياري كند.

اين كشف توسط تعدادي از كارگران ساختماني صورت گرفت كه در حال ساخت نيروگاهي هيدروالكتريكي در كنار يك رودخانه در نزديكي پايتخت كشور شيلي بودند. در حال حفاري كردن آن‌ها متوجه يك عاج با طول 1.2 متر و عرض 15 سانتي‌متر شدند كه از زير خاك بيرون زده بود. بعد از اين اتفاق، باستان‌شناسان به منطقه فراخوانده شدند و آن‌ها نيز با انجام حفاري‌هاي بيش‌تر توانستند اولين جمجمه كامل يك ماستودون را كشف كنند.

رافائل لاباركا از موسسه PDI در شيلي در اين باره گفت: «زماني كه ما در حال انجام مراحل حفاري بوديم متوجه شديم جمجمه اين حيوان كاملا حفظ شده و در شرايط بسيار خوبي قرار دارد. اين جمجمه داراي 4 دندان آسياب و دو عاج 1.2 متري بود كه به آن متصل شده بودند. علاوه بر آن در داخل جمجمه قسمتي از مهره‌هاي ستون فقرات هم موجود بودند.»

ماستودون‌ها تقريبا به اندازه فيل‌هاي مدرن بودند، اما نسبت به آن‌ها بدن بسيار عضلاني‌تري داشتند. علاوه بر آن بدن آن‌ها را پوششي خزمانند فرا گرفته بود كه از اين حيوانات در برابر سرما محافظت مي‌كرد.

سرمنشا و اجداد فيل‌ها هميشه براي زيست‌شناسان و باستان‌شناسان جالب بود. شواهدي كه از فسيل‌ها به دست آمده نشان مي‌دهد، شروع نسل اين حيوانات بين 50 تا 60 ميليون سال پيش با moerithere بوده كه موجوداتي مشابه با خوك با خورطوم‌هايي دراز بودند. اين حيوانات به گونه‌هاي متنوع ديگري تكامل پيدا كردند كه بسياري از آن‌ها اندازه‌هايي بزرگ‌تر پيدا كردند و در سراسر جهان و تقريبا در تمام قاره‌ها به غير از استراليا و قاره قطب جنوب پراكنده شدند.

تريلوفودون (trilophodon) هاي 4 عاجي تقريبا 26 ميليون سال پيش ظاهر شده و تا 2 ميليون سال پيش نيز در آمريكاي شمالي، آسيا و اروپا و آفريقا دوام آوردند. اين در حالي است كه انسان‌ها مدرن فقط 200 هزار سال پيش تكامل پيدا كردند.

7بزرگ‌ترين گونه اين حيوانات، ماموت‌هاي امپراطور بودند كه خود را با آب‌وهواي سرد آسيا و اروپا، آفريقا و آمريكا در دوره پليستوسن در 2 ميليون سال پيش تطبيق دادند. هر دوي اين گونه‌ها تا چند هزار سال پيش روي كره زمين زندگي مي‌كردند و انسان‌هاي اوليه با آن‌ها آشنايي داشتند. اين اعتقاد وجود دارد كه تكامل و انقراض بسياري از گونه‌هاي مدرن فيل‌ها ارتباط نزديك به گسترش نژاد انسان‌ها در زمين دارد.

اكثر اكتشافات فسيل‌هاي ماستودون‌ها در آمريكاي شمالي اتفاق افتاده و تعداد بسيار كمي از آن‌ها در قسمت‌هاي جنوبي اين قاره كشف شده‌اند. براي مثال فقط تعداد كمي از آن‌ها در شيلي يافت شده بودند.

يكي از بزرگ‌ترين يافته‌ها در سال 1993 و در درياچه دياموند والي در كاليفرنيا اتفاق افتاد. در جولاي سال 2007 نيز بزرگ‌ترين عاج ماستودون در جهان به طول 4.8 متر و وزن تقريبي يك تن در ميليا واقع در شمال آتن كشف شد.

News : Occupation Day: Baloch Women Panel protest against illegal occupation of Balochistan

Karachi: A massive protest demonstration was held in front of Karachi press club on the call of Baloch Women Panel to protest the illegal and forceful annexation of Balochistan to Pakistan on 27/03/1948. People from all walks of life including large numbers of women and children took part in the protest to express their hatred toward Pakistan for illegally occupying Balochistan and the ongoing atrocities being committed against Baloch people across Balochistan and Karachi.

Addressing the crowd of people the leaders of Baloch Women Panel said that Baloch Nation have never accepted the illegal annexation of their sovereign state to Pakistan and have been resisting against occupying forces since the day of occupation. The struggle to regain Independence is still ongoing and will continue until the occupying forces withdraw from the Baloch land. Pakistan has resorted to barbaric and inhuman tactic to quell or even eliminate the struggle for liberation but it failed as Baloch Freedom Movement instead of becoming weaker is gaining momentum. The Baloch resolve and aspiration for National Liberation are growing day by day. “We are confident and hopeful that blood of Baloch martyrs will bear fruit and Balochistan will soon become an Independent state once again”, said the BWP leaders.

Pakistan’s coward army instead of fighting the Baloch Sarmachaars is taking out their anger and frustration on innocent Baloch civilians. They have abducted and killed thousands of innocent Baloch who belong to all walks of life – after brutal torture they shot our youth in their heads and hearts and throw their bodies in deserted places. If the state [Pakistan] thinks by such inhuman acts it will stop the liberation movement then it (the state) is gravely mistaken. Baloch will continue to love their motherland Balochistan and will strive for its freedom till their last breath and last drop of blood, vowed the Baloch women leaders.

They have appeal the UN and EU to recognise Balochistan as an occupied territory and declare Baloch prisoners in Pakistani Jails as “Prisoner of war and prisoners of conscience”. They demanded that Pakistani leaders, heads of military and Intelligence agencies should be indicted of International war crimes and trailed at International criminal court. The UN and the International Community must play their due role for the release and protection of Baloch enforced disappeared persons who are illegally detained in secret torture cells of Pakistan.

Complete shutter down strike across Balochistan on 27 March against the forceful annexation of Independent Balochistan by Pakistan: A complete Wheel Jam and shutter down strike were observed all over in Balochistan to mark 27 March as a black day or the day of illegal occupation and force annexation of Balochistan to Pakistan. The BNF had given the call to protest on 27 March and Baloch people responded positively and fully supported the wheel jam and shutter down protest.

Several areas of Balochistan including the capital city Quetta ,Khuzdar, Dalbandian, Turbat, Noshki, Chaghi, Mannd, Tump, Mushky, Awaraan, Naal, Kharaan,Washak, Sibbi, and several other areas remained closed for the whole day. The roads wore a deserted look and schools, offices, universities remained shut in protest. Large numbers of Pakistani security forces were deployed in Balochistan to avoid any unpleasant incidents. The strike also observed in Kolwah, Jahu, Hub, Gaddani and other parts of the Balochistan.


لکه سیاه دیگری بر کارنامه نیروی انتظامی در بلوچستان

روز شنبه 27 بهمن جوانی به نام احمد هاشمزهی که یک مسافر بیمار را به کرمان برده بود ، در راه بازگشت از زاهدان هدف تیراندازی ماموران نیروی انتظامی شده و کشته شد.
ماموران خاطی بلافاصله با صحنه‌سازی کاذب تلاش کرده‌اند موضوع را تصادف اتومبیل این جوان عنوان کرده و در گزارش خود ادعا کرده‌اند این خودرو پس از انحراف بطرف پل کنار جاده سقوط کرده و راننده آن کشته شده است.
پس از انتقال پیکر احمد هاشمزهی به پزشکی قانونی جای 3 گلوله در بدن وی مشخص شده است و مسئولان پزشکی قانونی موضوع تیراندازی به این جوان را تایید کرده‌اند. اما تا کنون هیچگونه برخوردی با ماموران خاطی نیروی انتظامی صورت نگرفته است.
پیکر جوان شهید امروز در زاهدان به خاک سپرده شد.
این نخستین بار نیست که چنین اتفاقات تلخی در این منطقه روی می‌دهد. در چند سال اخیر دهها نفر از مردم بلوچ بر اثر تیراندازیهای بدون دلیل نیروی انتظامی کشته شده‌اند. در سال گذشته یک دختر نوجوان به نام رویا سارانی دانش‌آموز 11 ساله بلوچ بر اثر تیراندازی ماموران انتظامی جان خود را از دست داد.پس از پیگیریهای فراوان خانواده سارانی مامورانی که موجب کشته شدن رویا سارانی شده بودند ، تبرئه شدند.
چندی پیش نیز دو جوان براهویی در مسیر کرمان - زاهدان توسط ماموران دستگیر و وسط بیابان مورد ضرب و شتم و شکنجه قرار گرفتند که انتشار فیلم آن که با موبایل گرفته شده بود ، جنجال بزرگی در رسانه‌های آفرید ، اما با عاملان شکنجه هیچ برخوردی صورت نگرفت.
عدم برخورد جدی با ماموران نیروی انتظامی و حمایت از عملکرد آنها موجب تکرار این حوادث تلخ شده و متاسفانه سکوت مردم و ذی‌نفوذان نیز این مسئله را تشدید کرده است.

Pakistani media does not report on the brutal realities of Balochistan

Ali Dayan Hasan

MARCH 29, 2011

The News on Sunday (TNS): How does HRW view the current state of human rights in Balochistan?
Ali Dayan Hasan (ADH): The toxic mix of armed nationalist, sectarian and Taliban actors on the one hand and the trigger-happy military authorities on the other, makes Balochistan one of the most dangerous places in the world today. Illegal detention, torture, disappearances and targeted killings by the military are commonplace. Abuses by nationalist militants are also on the rise. It is an appalling situation and the great losers in this are the long-suffering people of the province.
TNS: Your report on attacks on education in Balochistan was criticised by the nationalists as focusing too much on the issues of settlers. What was the reason for highlighting that?
ADH: Human rights protections should be enjoyed by all. Abuses by the state do not allow others license to abuse in turn. It is our view that Baloch nationalists, sectarian militants and Taliban groups have all been involved in attacks on education sector personnel. Whoever targets civilians on the basis of ethnicity is in effect engaging in a policy of ethnic cleansing and this is unacceptable and criminal. Period. The notion that you can legitimately engage in such acts as "retaliation" is nonsense. Even if Baloch nationalists do not recognise the sovereignty of Pakistani state, they are still committing war crimes by attacking non-combatants and they should fully expect and receive censure and condemnation. And by perpetrating such atrocities, Baloch nationalists are harming Balochistan's development instead of advancing it and destroying the future of their land and its people.
TNS: During insurgencies, human rights are at risk. Do you think that Pakistan government can carry out its anti-insurgency operations without use of force?
ADH: No one is suggesting that the writ of the state should be compromised. Rather, it should be enforced in a rights-respecting manner in accordance with laws and bearing in mind the constitutional protections that must extend to every Pakistani citizen regardless of political affiliation or ethnicity.
TNS: What is HRW's assessment of external involvement, especially in terms of providing arms/financing to separatist groups who target civilians?
ADH: We understand that the government of Pakistan argues that external actors, especially India and Afghanistan, are involved in fomenting unrest and abuse in Balochistan. Even if that is the case, it does not mean that the Pakistani state can abuse the Baloch or violate their rights by way of retaliation. Besides, HRW and others have repeatedly asked the government to bring any evidence to back up these claims into the public domain. So far, nothing meaningful has been offered.
TNS: What is the HRW's stance on missing persons in Pakistan, especially Balochistan?
ADH: Enforced disappearances remain a serious, widespread, and ongoing problem in Balochistan and HRW has documented such abuses by the intelligence agencies and the FC in the province. Those we interviewed for a forthcoming report on disappearances perpetrated by military authorities in the province live in extreme fear of the military. The interviews had to be conducted in secret locations outside the province. We will be releasing a detailed reported in the coming weeks on these disappearances and we expect answers from the government and a serious attempt to hold those guilty of these abuses accountable.
TNS: Is there sufficient international and domestic focus on human rights situation in Balochistan?
ADH: Unfortunately there is not. The Pakistani media does not report on the brutal realities of Balochistan in any meaningful manner. Despite the fact that the province is of great strategic interest to the world, its people suffer from persistent, systemic and widespread human rights abuse both by state authorities and at the hands of non-state actors. It is time Pakistanis and the world paid attention.
Ali Dayan Hasan is a senior researcher in the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch