گردهمایی تورنتو برای ادای احترام میرگل خان نصیر و تصویب قطعنامه ای برای حاکمیت مستقل بلوچستان - R ESOLUTION*ON* B ALOCHISTAN*

گردهمایی تورنتو برای ادای احترام میرگل خان نصیر و تصویب قطعنامه ای برای حاکمیت مستقل بلوچستان

 Zaffar Baloch - President, BHRC (Canada) Azam Bhatti - Sindh RightsAbu Sufyan - Ahwazi Democratic Popular Front Mir Akram Baloch - Organizer, BHRC (USA) Tahir Gora - Poet, Talk Show Host, Punjabi Council (Canada) Laurie Deamer - Human rights activist, USA Munir Saami - Director, Progressive Writers Association (Canada) Fawad Choudhury - Film producer, Bangladesh Senge Sering - Director, Gilgit Baltistan National Congress Mumtaz Khan - Director, International Centre for Peace & Democracy Tarek Fatah - Author & Columnist

May 12th - A gathering in Toronto remembered Mir Gul Khan Naseer, the revolutionary poet of Balochistan, and paid tribute to a great son of the soil for his exceptional literary work and political struggles dating back to the 1930s. Baloch Human Rights Council (Canada) hosted the event; attended by Baloch, Punjabi, Kashmiri, Sindhi, Bangladeshi, and Ahwazi communities to express solidarity with the Baloch struggle for freedom and rights.

 Toronto,

Related: Mir Gul Khan Naseer - An Introduction

The Mir Gul Khan Naseer day event commenced with a moment of silent contemplation in the memory of Baloch martyrs of the liberation struggle. Mohammad Ali Baloch initiated the evening with reciting revolutionary verse by the national poet of Balochistan. Mumtaz Baloch welcomed the guests and invited the speakers to shed light on life and struggles of Mir Gul Khan Naseer. She began by speaking on the importance and the relevance of the poet's literary and political endeavours with today's Balochistan. The main theme of the event: "Mir Gul Khan Naseer - A Poet's Struggle for Baloch Unity, Freedom and Social Change" echoes the challenges Baloch nation is confronting today in their collective struggle for nationhood and freedom from foreign dominance.

 Mohammad Ali Baloch - Secretary General, BHRC (Canada) Mumtaz Baloch  Tarek Fatah and friends of Baloch struggle Mir Gul Khan Naseer in pictures Zaffar Baloch, Abu Sufyan, Salah Abu Sharif Al-Ahwazi

Zaffar Baloch - President, BHRC (Canada)

Mir Gul Khan Naseer was a creation of his times, a man whom history molded in the darkest hours of a nation to lead his people out of subjugation and into the light of freedom. For this pioneer of Baloch freedom struggle against the British colonial rule; freedom meant the beauty of human soul free from all forms of social injustices, foreign domination, and inequality based on systematic exploitation of common man. He believed that a nation cannot be free unless every individual member of a society is sanctioned the freedom of expression beyond the boundaries of social strata, race, colour, sex and ideology.
(Full text of the speech)

Azam Bhatti - Spokesperson, Sindh Rights, expressed his solidarity with the Baloch struggle and emphasized on the historic ties between the two nations of Sindh and Balochistan. He stated that poets in any society are the visionary individuals who foresee the truth and guide their people to their destiny. He mentioned that the state-sponsored atrocities in Balochistan are now being repeated in Sindh and the nationalist leaders and activists are being disappeared and in some cases killed in custody and their bodies dumped. Mr. Bhatti emphasized on Sindhi-Baloch unity and struggle for a common national cause.

Abu Sufyan - Spokesperson, Ahwazi Democratic Popular Front stated that Ahwaz nation's struggle against the theocratic fascist state of Iran unites us with Baloch people, currently under occupation of Iran and Pakistan. Mr. Sufyan spoke in Arabic, the national language of the Ahwaz people. He mentioned the atrocities against his people by the fundamentalist regime of Iran that has denied cultural, political, and economic rights to the oppressed nationalities of the country. Mr. Sufyan added that freedom is the birth right of all nations under foreign occupation.

Mir Akram Baloch - Organizer, BHRC (USA) began by congratulating all present in the hall on Mother's Day and saluted the Baloch mothers who gave birth to sons and daughters fighting for the rights of their motherland. Mr. Baloch recited poems in praise of Mir Gul Khan Naseer about his great love for his people and the sacrifices he made for the common Baloch - shepherds, peasants, students, and the poor tribal masses facing hardships under tyrant chieftains.

Tahir Gora - Poet and Spokesperson, Punjabi Council of Canada stated that the Punjabi dominance and military occupation of Balochistan must end immediately. Mr. Gora added that Baloch people's struggle for independence is a just cause and Balochistan will one day become a free nation. He emphasized that the Punjabi nation and its ruling classes have lost their sense of national heritage and don't feel proud of their language and cultural history - this is the reason why they never understood the significance of Balochi, Bengali, Sindhi, Seraiki, and Pashto as mother tongues and the importance of nationalist struggles as political movements that have challenged the defunct Pakistan Ideology based on "Two Nation Theory." He expressed his solidarity with the Baloch national liberation movement and added that it will end in victory and freedom. Mr. Gora also recited Punjabi poems including one by the great Sufi poet Buley Shah.

Laurie Deamer (USA) - Human rights activist involved with Baloch struggle. Ms. Deamer presented a paper on Mir Gul Khan Naseer by Dr. Naseer Dashti.

(Full text of the paper).

Munir Pervaiz Saami - Director, Progressive Writers Association (Canada) expressed his solidarity with the Baloch people in the darkest times of their history. Mr. Saami praised Mir Gul Khan Naseer for his intellectual contributions and steadfastness to the principles of enlightened humanism. He also recited his own poem in Urdu on the subject of struggles for freedom with an English translation of the verse.

Fawad Choudhary - Film Producer, Bangladesh spoke on the subject of struggles of his people that culminated in the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971. Mr. Choudhary praised Mir Gul Khan Naseer for his role in developing Balochi language and poetry in relation to modern and progressive trends in literature. He specially mentioned about Mir Gul Khan Naseer's 1975 poem (written in Hyderabad Jail) on the assassination of Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehaman, the founder of Bangladesh.

Senge Sering - Director, Gilgit Baltistan National Congress (USA) expressed his solidarity with the Baloch peoples' struggles for freedom and rights. Mr. Sering praised the Baloch mothers on the occasion of Mother's Day and saluted them for their bravery in playing a leading role in the movement for raising voice for the missing persons in Balochistan. He also described the political issues facing people of Gilgit Baltistan in their struggle against the occupation forces of Pakistan and China.

Mumtaz Khan - Director, International Centre for Peace & Democracy stated that the conflict in Kashmir and Balochistan originated with the creation of Pakistan by the British Raj. Mr. Khan expressed his solidarity with the people of Balochistan in their endeavours for freedom from foreign occupation and subjugation. He spoke at length on the terrorist nature of the Pakistani state and the army's role in spreading political chaos and militarism in the region with serious dangers of war and nuclear repercussions. He explained that without the end to the military's dominant role in Pakistan and the dismantling of the structures of terrorism, the Taliban-linked proxy wars in Kashmir and Balochistan will grow, engulfing the entire region in a never-ending nightmare.

Tarek Fatah - Author and Columnist for Toronto Sun. Mr. Fatah described in-depth the challenges Baloch people are facing today in their fifth war of independence from Pakistan. He stressed on the role of Baloch leadership that stands disunited while their people suffer at the hands of the state security forces and army's proxy death squads with impunity. Moreover, Mr. Fatah maintained that lack of unity is a major drawback in the movement disenchanting Baloch youths and the international community alike. He emphasized that Pakistani authorities whether civilian or military should leave Balochistan immediately because they do not have any legal or moral authority to continue the occupation that began with the invasion of Kalat in 1948. Mr. Fatah, speaking on the issue of general elections 2013, said that the Pakistani establishment has manufactured the results in order to hand over KP and Balochistan to ISI-controlled puppets to manage the post-2014 scenario of withdrawal of NATO troops from Afghanistan.

The Mir Gul Khan Naseer event concluded with the presentation of a resolution on the independence and sovereignty of Balochistan. The resolution was presented by Zaffar Baloch - President, BHRC (Canada) and was adopted unanimously by the house on May 12, 2013. (Click for the text of the resolution).

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Mir Gul Khan Naseer - An Introduction

Dr. Naseer Dashti

Widely known as one of the pioneers of the Baloch national struggle in the 20th century, Mir Gul Khan Naseer was a prominent progressive politician, poet, historian and journalist. He is regarded as "Malik-ul-Shuaraa: for his valuable literary contribution to the Baloch national struggle. Mir Gul Khan Naseer was born on May 14, 1914 in Noshki, Balochistan in the family of Mir Habib Khan and Bibi Hooran. His father belonged to the Zagar Mengal branch of the Mengal tribe and his mother was a Rakhshani of the Badini tribe.

Literature
Mir wrote poems in English, Urdu, Persian, Brahui and Balochi. He began writing Urdu poetry of revolutionary nature, aimed at raising political awareness among the Baloch people in general and the Baloch youth in particular. He soon switched from Urdu to start composing poetry in Balochi and gave a new dimension to modern Balochi revolutionary poetry. "Gulbang" the first collection of his Balochi poetry appeared in 1951. It was regarded as the Bible of the Baloch revolutionary poetry. His literary work was not confined to poetry but he is also respected as an authority on Baloch history. He wrote a series of books on Baloch history and also translated several books and collection of poetries from different languages into Balochi. A list of his literary work includes:
GulBaang (1951), History of Balochistan (1952) (Urdu) Volume 1, History of Balochistan (1957) (Urdu) Volume 2, Daastaan-e-Dostain o Sheereen (1964), Koch o Baloch (1969), Garand (1971), Balochistan Kay Sarhadi Chaapa Maar (1979), Seenai Keechaga (1980), Mashad Na Jang Naama (1981), Shah Latif Gusheet (1983), Gulgaal (1993) is the ninth compilation Mir Gul Khan's poetry. Shanblaak (1996) is Mir Gul Khan Nasir's tenth collection of Balochi Poetry which also includes Urdu translations.

Mir Gul Khan Naseer was posthumously awarded Sitara-i-Imtiaz (President's Award) in 2001 for his literary services. In 1962, he could not travel to receive the Lenin Prize, a literary award from the then USSR government as he was not allowed to visit Moscow by the military regime of Pakistan.

Politics
From the very beginning Mir Gul Khan Naseer was attracted to nationalist politics. He began the political career during his student life in Lahore, where he played an important role in Baloch aur Balochistani Thalba Ki Anjuman, a student organization formed by the Baloch students on advice of Mir Yousaf Ali Khan Magsi. He participated actively in student politics and was part of various political organizations throughout his political career to strive for the rights of the people of Balochistan.

In 1936, he became the president of the newly formed organization named Anjuman e Islamia e Kalat. The Anjuman did not last long and was banned by Kalat Government. In the following year, he became the first vice president of Kalat State National Party (KNSP). The party was seen as a potential threat to their interests both by the Khan of Kalat and the British colonial administration in Balochistan. After few years the party was banned by the Kalat administration and its leaders were persecuted on various pretexts.

The ban on KSNP was lifted during the last months of Khanate of Kalat before its annexation to Pakistan. However, because of its strong advocating of an independent Balochistan after the British withdrawal, the party was again banned by the Pakistani authorities in 1948.

In 1955 Mir Gul Khan and Mir Ghaus Bux Bizenjo formed Usthman Gal which was the first official nationalist party of the Baloch in Pakistan. In the following year, Usthman Gal was merged into Pakistan National Party (PNP). In 1957, Pakistan National Party was merged with Maulana Bhashani's Awami League to form the National Awami Party (NAP). From 1958 to 1970, Mir Gul Khan Naseer along with other Baloch nationalist leaders faced hardship resisting the military regime and was sent to jail on many occasions.

During the 1970 general elections, NAP managed to get a majority in Balochistan in which he won a seat in the provincial assembly. He served as the first Education Minister in the provincial governmental Khan Naseer tabled a bill in the Balochistan Assembly for the abolishment of Sardari System, which was passed by a large majority. When the NAP government was dismissed by Z.A. Bhutto, he was imprisoned along with other leaders and tried on the charges of treason against the state.

After his release in 1977 when Hyderabad Tribunal was disbanded by the military regime, he joined Wali Khan's National Democratic Party. However, soon he formed the Pakistan National Party (PNP) along with Mir Ghaus Bux Bizenjo. Due to political differences with his old time associate Mir Ghaus Bux Bizenjo, he then decided to resign from politics and concentrate all of his abilities towards literary work.

Throughout his political career from 1939-1978; Mir Gul Khan Naseer was arrested several times for his strong nationalistic activities. Altogether he spent nearly 15 years of his life in jail.

Mir Gul Khan died of lung cancer on December 6, 1983 and was buried in his ancestral village in Noshki on 7 December 1983.

With his huge literary contribution to Balochi language, his revolutionary poetry, and his commitment to the cause of Baloch nationalism, Mir Gul Khan will remain a legendary figure in the Baloch history forever.

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Unite as a Free Nation or Perish as Slaves

by Zaffar Baloch

Mir Gul Khan Naseer was a creation of his times, a man whom history molded in the darkest hours of a nation to lead his people out of subjugation and into the light of freedom. For this pioneer of Baloch freedom struggle against the British colonial rule; freedom meant the beauty of human soul free from all forms of social injustices, foreign domination, and inequality based on systematic exploitation of common man. He believed that a nation cannot be free unless every individual member of a society is sanctioned the freedom of expression beyond the boundaries of social strata, race, colour, sex and ideology.

Mir Gul Khan Naseer's greatest achievement is the awareness he raised through literary and political education among the common people of Balochistan that has stood the test of time and formed the basis for the ongoing struggle against foreign occupation by Pakistan in1948. After winning a brief victory from the British colonial power in 1947, lasting only 227 days, Mir Gul Khan Naseer witnessed the invasion of Balochistan on March 27, 1948 by Pakistan's armed forces. Those 227 days of freedom from 100 years of British colonial rule left a lasting impression on the young mind of Gul Khan Naseer and his comrades; that occupying powers may come and go - Balochistan shall remain a free nation as long as the collective dreams of a people are materialized in a movement for independence.

Today we are witnessing the fifth wave of uprising and resistance against Pakistani occupation forces in Balochistan. It is noteworthy that each fresh wave of rebellion outweighed the one before, both, in level of political consciousness and social spread throughout Balochistan. Brutal military operations, aerial bombardment of villages, mass enforced disappearances, and kill & dump policies of the state run death squads failed to suppress the spirit of freedom of the Baloch nation in the last ten years.

With the failure of the military solution of the Balochistan conflict, Pakistani establishment has come up with the previously tested civilian face of managing grievances with the army calling the shots to contain the real issue of Pakistan's illegitimate occupation of Balochistan - the source of the conflict. We have witnessed that in the previous civilian administration.

Pakistan's 2013 general elections, the bloodiest in the history of the country and Balochistan's response of a successful boycott of the polls has proven that Baloch nation is no more interested in Islamabad's policies and institutions that will only serve the interests of the occupying power. The international observers representing European Union refused to be stationed in Balochistan during the elections due to security concerns. As international observers it is now their responsibility to inform the world about the concerns and the verdict the people of Balochistan have conveyed as their collective political will.

In light of the previous civilian administration, it is foreseeable that nothing will change for the people of Balochistan and the new civilian government shall remain helpless as ever or used as a tool to promote Pakistan Army's policies of crushing the Baloch struggle of freedom and rights.

People of Balochistan have spoken in favour of ending the 65-year Pakistani occupation of their land and resources by not taking part in the elections. Now the responsibility lies heavily on the Baloch leaders in exile and on ground to come up with a comprehensive road map for the sovereignty of Balochistan. The people are united, and unfortunately the leaders are not.

In the absence of a politically united movement, the common Baloch including the cream of our activists are suffering a sense of direction and the unwarranted disunity is creating further rifts, confusion, and unnecessary polarization that is damaging to the cause of freedom. We are losing the best of our cadres to enforced disappearances and targeted killings by the state security forces and their death squad militias.

It is the need of the hour that a national dialogue is initiated by the pro-independence leaders and organizations to resolve their differences whether petty or significant ones and come up with a united political platform representing broad sections of Baloch society with the single agenda of independence of Balochistan. Such a united platform would not only further consolidate the struggle on political grounds but also will have the mandate to play a larger role in the international arena acceptable to the West.

Today the significance of Mir Gul Khan Naseer's political philosophy and message to the nation and its leaders is even more relevant than during his own lifetime - unite as a free nation or perish in history as slaves. If not now - when? If not during the darkest hours of our history then what hope do we have as a people when systematically eliminated into non-existence. Historic opportunities appear and disappear with time. Unite now before it is too late. Baloch nation is suffering yet willing to sacrifice all for the cause - any setback at this critical juncture will be judged by history and the sole responsibility shall rest upon the leaders of the nation.

Zaffar Baloch,
President, BHRC (Canada)
Toronto, May 12, 2013

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Remembering Mir Gul Khan

Dr. Naseer Dashti

Early decades of 20th century was the period when the Baloch horizons were engulfed in the dark shadows of despair, frustration and a growing sense of total defeat and helplessness. It was the period when the Baloch resistance against the British and its ally the Persians, had been ruthlessly crushed. It was the period when under different boundary commissions, the body of the Baloch land had been dissected and it had been divided into various parts controlled by the Persians, the British and the Afghans. In Eastern Balochistan, the glorious resistance of the Baloch led by Marri, Bugti, Mengal, Zehri and Nosherwanis had ended in total defeat. Leader of the Bugti tribe Mir Ghulam Hussain Bugti had long been killed by the British and his head had been put on public display on the gate of the British Cantonment in Jacobabad. Legendary guerilla fighter Noora Mengal had been imprisoned. Sardar Noordin Mengal and Mir Azad Khan Nosherwani had been neutralized. A crushing defeat had been delivered to the Marri by the British forces. The champions of the Baloch resistance against the British Mir Baloch Khan Nosherwani and Nawab Khan Mohammad Zarakzai had been killed. In Sistan, the Baloch resistance led by Nahrui and Sanjarani tribes had been crushed jointly by the British, Afghan and the Persians. General Dyre with traitors like Ido Reiki was successful in bringing a reign of terror in Sarhad. Sardar Jiand khan and Sardar Khalil had been eliminated from the scene. In Western Makuran, the emerging Baloch chiefdom led by Mir Bahram and Mir Dost Mohammad Barakzai failed to gain firm roots and was crumbling under the increasing pressure from the Persians and its fall was eminent to every conscious Baloch. The Khanate of Kalat under the firm grip of the British was being ruled by degenerated Khans who were unable to express a remote respect for the Baloch honor, values and traditions. Majority of the Baloch Sardars were now protégés of the occupying forces. As the pawns of the British administration they were being used to undermine any remaining authority of the Baloch State.

It was the time when there was a general milieu of fear, defeatism, doubts, and distrust prevailing in the Baloch society. Engulfed in this terrible darkness, the Baloch were trying to peer deep into and were unable to find any light at the end of the tunnel. It was the time when the Baloch as a nation were stuck in a crack in the ground underneath a giant boulder. They were unable to move this giant boulder and there was no chance of rescue coming from anywhere. There was a great need of infusing some kind of hope among the Baloch masses.

In this hour of despair the infusion of hope among the Baloch came from a group of educated Baloch youth. These Baloch youths were serving in the cherished bureaucratic service of the Khanate. Getting a place in the government service was the highest dream of a person at that time. However, this group of the Baloch took the risk of sacrificing their privileged position. This group of Baloch youth pledged themselves for the task of mobilizing the Baloch masses towards their cherished objective of national salvation in an organized and scientific way. That was not an easy task at that time. The British imperialism was an almighty force. Confronting and defeating such a mighty force was considered to be only a dream.

Mir Gul Khan and his companions were disillusioned by the treachery of the Baloch tribal chiefs and the Khans. They were disillusioned by the disgusting poverty of the Baloch masses. They were disillusioned by the illiteracy in the Baloch society. They were disillusioned by the loss of the Baloch sovereignty, and the division of their Father Land. However, in their endeavor to mobilize the masses, these selfless persons had to face the hard realities of their society. The Baloch society was not prepared for a democratic political struggle at that time. It was a society where everything revolved around the Sardar and Sardars were allied with the occupying forces. They were not ready to tolerate any action which might endanger their total control on the Baloch society whether it was political or social. The talk of national liberation was perceived by them as an act of suicide in the face of mighty power of the British Empire.

Surmounting the daunting difficulties and giving the masses a clear direction made them the pioneers of the Baloch national struggle. Here comes the greatness of those who initiated the beginning of a new era in the Baloch polity. It was the greatness of the pioneers of the Baloch national resistance that they ventured on a task which was more than a Herculean one, taking into consideration the situation of the Baloch society and Balochistan at that time. Here lies the nobility and greatness of the people like, Mir Abdul Aziz Kurd, Mir Yusuf Magasi, Malik Faiz Muhammad Yusufzai, Muhammad Hussain Unqa, Naseem Talvi, Abdul Karim Shorish, Mir Muhammad Azam Shehwani, and Mir Gul Khan Naseer. The formation of Anjuman e Itehad e Balochan wa Balochistan and later transforming it into Kalat State National Party were fundamental steps in giving a clear direction to the Baloch masses for an organized struggle. They were great because they sow the seeds of a phenomenon without any consideration of reaping the harvest by themselves. There were great because they believed that the seed which they have sown would someday deliver the most precious of the harvests for the Baloch. They were great because they sacrificed their privileged positions to set an example of political struggle for the Baloch generations to come.

It is easy to be brave from a safe distance. It is easy to be brave in front an inferior enemy. It is easy to be brave when you have superior might. But the real bravery is to confront a mighty enemy face to face. The real bravery is to turn the disappointing and adverse situations into helping tools. The real bravery is to withstand the obstacles and difficulties of various magnitudes with courage and perseverance. Mir Gul Khan and his associates were great because they faced the adverse circumstances bravely. They were great because they challenged a far superior enemy. They were great because they used the unfavorable circumstances in their favor. Instead of being frustrated by the general milieu of suffocation prevailing on the horizon, Mir Gul Khan and his associates got stimulation. In the darkness of subjugation, division and occupation, they had their dream of a brighter future for the Baloch. In the realization of their dream of a Balochistan free from occupation and exploitation, they mustered the courage to bear all kinds of suffering including long-term imprisonments, tortures, and exiles.

Today it appears that things are getting worse for the Baloch. The Baloch road for national salvation appears to be all uphill. Circumstances are as unfavorable as they were at the time of Mir Gul Khan. For the Baloch as a nation there is nothing to smile but only to sigh. The Baloch land is still divided and occupied. The might of the Persian and Pakistani states have unleashed unprecedented atrocities on the Baloch. The Baloch resistance forces are divided. There is again a feeling of helplessness and defeat. Terrified from the mightiness and ruthlessness of the enemy, many among us are preaching that the Baloch should abandon the path of resistance. They are preaching that to resist the might of occupying forces is suicidal.

The situation might not be ideal for the Baloch national resistance. There are indeed problems of severe nature; however, the situation is far better when Mir Gul Khan Naseer and his comrades embarked upon their mission. In the face of difficult circumstances, it is most imperative for the Baloch to rise to the challenge. Today the challenge facing the Baloch is far bigger than the Baloch were facing when Mir Gul Khan and his comrades raised the flag of rebellion. This challenge is to our survival as a national entity. This challenge is to our language, culture, and way of life. This challenge is to our dream of national salvation from all kind of exploitation and subjugation.

Mir Gul Khan and his companions were uncompromising, honest, courageous and respectable. They were truly committed to the cause they were struggling for. They were great because they acted rather than depending merely on words. They confronted the mighty power of the British imperialism and protégés of the British establishment, the Khan of Kalat and Sardars. They were great because they confronted the enemy when it was unthinkable at that time. They were great because they started the political movement in Balochistan when there was none. Their dream of a liberated Balochistan was challenging, but challenges were what Mir Gul Khan and his comrades lived for. For the Baloch, the best way of paying tribute to Mir Gul Naseer and his comrades in present times is to develop the courage, tenacity, honesty, and commitment with the Baloch national resistance. The Baloch must try to change the circumstances to their favor. The Baloch must never quit or give in under the pressure of unfavorable circumstances.

(This paper was read in a memorial gathering in the University of London on 11th December, 2011 organized by the Baloch Human Rights Council)

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Declaration of Independence for a Sovereign Balochistan

Resolution full text

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درکنفرانس بین المللی " فریدام فوروم " در اسلو اعلام شد.... فعالان بلوچ خواستار متوقف شدن"پاکسازی نژادی"علیه ملت خود از سوی ایران و پاکستان شدند

دبی-العربیه.نت فارسی -

جمعی از فعالان بلوچ پاکستان وایران  روز پنج شنبه 16 -5 -2013 ضمن شرکت در کنفرانس بین المللی " فری دام فوروم " در اسلو پایتخت نروژ، خواستار متوقف شدن "پاکسازی نژادی و پایان دادن به " اشغال" سرزمینشان توسط ایران و پاکستان شدند.

کنفرانس "فری دام فوروم " هرساله برای بررسی مسائل حقوق بشر و دفاع از دمکراسی در جهان با شرکت صدها سازمان و نماینده از پارلمان های غربی در اسلو پایتخت نروژ برگزار می شود.

عبدالله بلوچ عضو جنبش ملی بلوچستان که یکی از شرکت کنندگان در این کنفرانس بود، طی تماسی با العربیه گفت:" در کنفرانس امسال " فریدام فوروم " که از سه روز پیش آغاز بکار کرد، فعالان وشخصیت های بین المللی سیاسی و حقوقی زیادی شرکت کرده بودند شرکت کنندگان به مسائلی چون نقض حقوق بشر سرکوب و تبعیض نژادی از سوی رژیم های دیکتاتوری در برخی مناطق جهان از جمله ایران و پاکستان پرداختند."

وی افزود:" در این کنفرانس نمایندگانی از کنگره آمریکا، پارلمان اروپا و فعالان مدنی بسیاری از کشورهای جهان شرکت کردند."

عضو فعال جنبش ملی بلوچستان اظهار داشت :" فعالان بلوچ با ارائه مدارکی که بیانگر ظلم و ستم مضاعف ملی علیه بلوچ ها از سوی ایران و پاکستان است ، از سازمان های بین المللی و کشورهای بزرگ خواستند تا برای تشکیل دولت مستقل بلوچ و همچنین جهت پایان دادن به آنچه که "اشغالگری پاکستان وایران خواندند اقدام کنند."

فعالان بلوچ در این کنفرانس ضمن افشای همه اقدامات سازمان یافته مانند پاکسازی نژادی از سوی ایران و پاکستان علیه ملت بلوچ، ازجامعه جهانی و کشورهای پیشرفته چون آمریکا ، اتحادیه اروپا ، خواستند با اعمال فشار بر مقامات دو کشور، آنها را مجبور سازند بر اساس یک برنامه زمان بندی شده نیروهای نظامی و امنیتی خود را از بلوچستان خارج سازند.

در این کنفرانس فعالان بلوچ با اعتراض شدید علیه آنچه را که رفتار "وحشیانه" امنیتی ایران و پاکستان خواندند، ازسازمان بین الملل وتشکل های مدافع حقوق بشر خواستند تا اقدامات قاطعی را برای متوقف ساختن " پاکسازی نژادی " در بلوچستان انجام دهند.

فعالان بلوچ می گویند از زمان "اشغال بلوچستان" توسط ایران و پاکستان تاکنون هزاران نفر از مردان بلوچ بدون محاکمه اعدام و صدها تن از زنان وکودکان آنها توسط سازمانهای امنیتی دو کشور ربوده شدند.

از سازمان ها و موسسات بلوچی شرکت کننده در این کنفرانس بین المللی، جنبش ملی بلوچستان، انجمن "صدای گم شدگان بلوچ ، وتعدادی از موسسات سیاسی مدنی بلوچ ها در نروژ را  می توان نام برد.

اما از رهبران سیاسی و شخصیت های بلوچ  خان سلیمان داوود و خیربیارمری  در این کنفرانس حضوری فعال داشتند.

Pakistani forces are violating international human rights laws in Balochistan: BHRO

Kech : The spokesperson of the Baloch Human Rights Organisation said on Tuesday that Pakistani security forces are involved in abducting and extra-judicial killing of innocent Baloch civilians.

The BHRO said that Ijaz S/O Dad Mohammad was abducted on 10 May 2013 from Koh-Pusht area of Mand Balochistan and after three days of brutal torture he was killed under-custody and his body was found dumped in Turbat along with bodies of Shaihak Baloch and Muslim Baloch on Monday (13/05/2013).

Separately, Asad Baloch, a resident of Mand Bullo has passed away of his injuries after he was brutally tortured and dumped in Turbat. He was abducted around a month ago by Pakistani forces from Mand, Balochistan.

The spokesperson further said that the state security forces are continuing their atrocities in Balochistan. The other day Pakistani forces abducted 5 people from Nokjo area of Mashky. The victims have been named as Mauladad, Naeem, Babo, Nauroz, Zareef and Faiz Mohammad Baloch.

The BHRO said that Pakistan was violating the International Human Rights laws in Balochistan. The Organisation urged the UN and other International Human Rights Organisations to take notice of the ongoing state atrocities against Baloch people.

“If an impartial investigation into the state crimes in Balochistan is conducted, it will prove that Pakistan is violating all the international conventions of human rights. State forces have killed several innocent unarmed Baloch civilian and abducted thousands,” the BHRO said adding that due to lack of attention from the international human rights organisation, incident of human rights violations are on rise in Balochistan.

The Baloch Human Rights Organisation urged the UN and other international human rights bodies to take practical steps to stop Baloch genocide and pressurise Pakistan to end atrocities against Baloch people.

It is pertinent to mention that two fighters of the Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) were also killed in gun-battles against Pakistan forces in Kech district of Balochistan. Both youth were named as Hamid Ibrahim and Saud Baloch.

source: balochwarna.com

Why do the Baloch Reject the 2013 Election? – By Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch

Colonial powers such as Pakistan make laws to justify their occupation, and to exploit the resources of the colonized by hiding behind the obscuring veil of the state and elections.
The Indian National Congress took part in elections under an electoral framework formulated by the British Empire. According to Abdul Kalam Azad, the President of the Congress, all Congress ministers would work under the influence of British governors, and would adopt policies dictated by those governors, as a result of these elections. Is it not true that wherever colonials formulate laws, they aim to legitimize their exploitation and plunder under the shadow of those very laws?

 بلوچ کیوں پاکستانی انتخابات کا حصہ نہیں بنیں گے؟ ڈاکٹر اللہ نذر بلوچ

The same thing has been happening in our Baloch land since 1948. The whole nation has been taken hostage, in exchange for a small share of state power for a small group of individuals (and that, too not at the state’s highest levels) . In order to protect and sustain this small privileged group, elections will be held in occupied Balochistan–with the help of extensive force.

In March 1948, Pakistan violated international laws governing political boundaries, and invaded the Baloch land by military force. From day one and up to 1973, the Pakistani assembly passed many laws to thwart the Baloch land’s political status, and annex it to Western Pakistan-cum-Punjab.

Similarly, those laws and legislative institutions became the basis for the execution of the Baloch people. Everyone, from Babu Nowroz to Hamid Baloch, was a victim of these same assemblies and of their drafted laws. On the basis of such laws and assemblies, non-Balochi languages were imposed on the Baloch, their cultural values were distorted, and extensive efforts were made to cause the Baloch to be attracted to the unnatural country of Pakistan–a trend that continues today.
All these legislative insinuations and their formulated laws have been used as a bare sword by Pakistani terrorists to shower themselves with the blood of the Baloch people. The Pakistani army’s genocidal war crimes are being justified on the basis of such laws.

The Baloch national struggle, which aims to regain our national freedom, complies with international laws.  It respects all human values, and uses all possible means through which it can counter the brutal army of Pakistan and its death squads. Besides, the Baloch nation, through peaceful means, tries to make the world understand that the Baloch is fighting for the attainment of a free and independent state, while fully respecting globally recognized human rights and values.

The Baloch is struggling for a secular and justice-based state, which would be a buffer state against extremism, terrorism and racism. Indeed, not only the region, but also the entire world would benefit from a free Balochistan. Achieving freedom, the Baloch nation will use its resources for its own welfare, while standing shoulder to shoulder with all peace-loving nations to work for the elimination from the human society of all types of weapons of mass destruction.

The Pakistan media and the pro-Pakistani Baloch groups propagate that opposing Pakistani laws and assemblies are a kind of enmity with democratic values. The so-called democratic groups should understand why Baloch freedom fighters oppose these so called elections:

1-    By appointing just a few persons, the Pakistan intelligence agencies try to convince the world public opinion that the Baloch recognize Pakistani institutions, and that, the occupation of Balochistan has taken place in accordance with the will of the Baloch people. They also want to convey to the international community, particularly the UN, that the occupation of Balochistan is a legitimate act.

2-    The colonial assemblies, so far, have only passed laws through which the Pakistani establishment can enhance its grip over the occupied territory, such as annexing Jacob Abad (Khan Garh), Rajanpur, DG Khan to Punjab and Sind, depriving the Baloch from their mother tongue, and distorting their culture. Under the colonial laws the natural resources of Balochistan have been given to the army and secret services, to be used for depriving the Baloch people from their right for freedom (as Raeesani and Magsi governments have given the Baloch resources to the army, FC and Rangers and have committed genocide against the Baloch people). Similarly, the coming assembly would remain loyal to the federal government, and would pass the same laws, which it has been passing from 1948 up to now.

3-    The main aim of these elections is to create a privileged class, which would be operate as a fifth column against freedom activists. We have seen members of previous assemblies admitting on assembly floors that they had authorized the FC and the Army to conduct military operations in Balochistan. Killing and dumping thousands of Baloch people is the only achievement that these assembly members can speak of.

4-    These elections aim at passing laws against the Baloch freedom struggle, at devising legal ways to exploit the national resources of Balochistan to occupiers, and convincing the world public opinion that the Baloch themselves are signing such agreements through assemblies. In this regard, the Saindak project, the Reco-deck project, Gawader port, Sui Gas field, all are clear examples. This assembly, in the name of democracy, would pass such laws through which it would legalize the exploitation of the resources of our Baloch land.

5-    The occupier state would introduce these puppet assembly members as representative of the Baloch nation to the world, and would try to legalize the occupation of the Baloch land.
Therefore, based on the above points, the freedom-loving nation of the Baloch has realized that it will not be a part of Pakistani institutions, and conveys this message to the world: These institutions are not representing the Baloch nation.  At present, the entire Baloch nation has rejected the Pakistani parliament-loving-people, and they are facing severe rejections in almost 95 per cent of Balochistan’s regions. The faithful and neutral media, civilized and human-loving nations, and the international institution including the UN, need to include the Baloch national struggle in their agendas, and declare Balochistan a conflict zone.
 Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch is a commander in the Balochistan Liberation Front.
Courtesy: Tanqeed

رتباط افسردگی با تنظیم ساعت درونیDW

 

دانشمندان به شواهدی دست یافته‌اند که احتمال درستی یک نظریه در پزشکی را تقویت می‌کند: وجود ارتباط بین افسردگی و ریتم نامنظم زندگی. ساعت درونی، به گمان پژوهشگران، می‌تواند تحت تأثیر فعالیت ژن‌ها در مغز از تنظیم خارج شود.

اثرات بر هم خوردن ساعت خواب یا دیگر فرایندهای منظم زیستی که می‌توانند به افسردگی بیانجامند، از قرار روی مغز باقی می‌مانند. نتایج بررسی فعالیت ژن‌ها در مغز مبتلایان به افسردگی نشان می‌دهند که ساعت درونی این افراد به احتمال تنظیم نبوده است. نتایج این پژوهش اخیرا در نشریه آکادمی ملی علوم آمریکا منتشر شده است

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تا پیش از این نشانه‌هایی مبهم و نظریه‌های اثبات‌نشده‌ای وجود داشت مبنی بر این‌که بر هم خوردن ساعت درونی بدن و افسردگی با هم در ارتباط هستند.

فرایندهای زیستی منظم پستانداران مانند خواب، ترشح هورمون‌ها و الگوی تغذیه با یک ساعت درونی در مغز تنظیم می‌شوند. ژن‌ها و تاریکی و روشنایی شبانه‌روز در عملکرد این ساعت مؤثر هستند. تنظیم این ساعت می‌تواند همچنین تحت تأثیر عوامل دیگری بر هم بخورد؛ مثلا مسافرت‌های هوایی درازمدت.

 

 

از سوی دیگر به باور دانشمندان ساعت درونی مبتلایان به افسردگی عموما تنظیم نیست. اما مشکل این‌جاست که نمی‌توان دقیقا ثابت کرد که کدام سازوکارهای مولکولی یا سلولی این تعادل را برهم می‌زنند.

پژوهشگران برای یافتن پاسخ دست به آزمایش تازه‌ای زدند. آنان مغز ۳۴ فرد مبتلا به سرطان و ۵۵ فرد سالم را بلافاصله پس از مرگ از بدن خارج کردند. مرگ همه این افراد ناگهانی و در اثر حمله قلبی یا خودکشی بوده است. مغزها هم بلافاصله روی یخ گذاشته شدند.

 

دانشمندان در ابتدا ثبت کردند که مرگ هر فرد در چه فاصله‌ای از طلوع آفتاب صورت گرفته است. همچنین فعالیت ژن‌ها در شش ناحیه مغز بررسی شد. الگوی فعالیت ژن‌ها در مغز افراد سالم تقریبا قابل پیش‌بینی بود. فعالیت برخی از ژن‌ها در هنگام روشن‌شدن هوا مدام افزایش یافته است. بعضی از ژن‌ها هم هنگام ظهر بیشترین فعالیت را داشته‌اند.

بررسی نواحی مختلف مغز مبتلایان به افسردگی اما نشان داد که الگوی رفتاری ژن‌ها در این افراد رابطه معناداری با ساعات مختلف روز ندارد و در واقع قابل پیش‌بینی نیست.

 

هر چند این پژوهش مشخص نمی‌کند که آیا افسردگی عامل بر هم خوردن ساعت درونی است یا برعکس اما ثابت می‌کند که در هر حال ارتباطی بین این دو عارضه وجود دارد.

در آزمایش بالا الگوی فعالیت ژن‌ها تنها در یک نقطه از زمان برسی و ثبت شد: در هنگام مرگ. این در حالی است که پژوهشگران ساعت درونی از بدن افراد در تمام مدت شبانه‌روز نمونه‌برداری می‌کنند. علاوه بر این در آزمایش‌های شبانه‌روزی عموما خون افراد بررسی می‌شود و نه مغز آنان.

محققان آزمایش یادشده را کامل و کافی نمی‌دانند اما نتایج به دست آمده از آن را شگفتی‌آور ارزیابی می‌کنند.

اوگانستانی بلوچانی سرتاسرین انسجامی شورائی گندو نند و دیوان گون جمهوری صدر جلالتمآب واجه حامدکرزی

       



    

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واکنش ‌احمدی‌نژاد به ‌احتمال ‌رد صلاحیت ‌مشایی: امروز چقدر هوا خوب است، خیلی بهاری است....

 

احمدی‌نژاد رئیس جمهوری اسلامی ایران در پاسخ به سؤالی درباره احتمال رد صلاحیت اسفندیار رحیم مشایی گفته است: ''امروز چقدر هوا خوب است.''

به گزرش خبرگزاری ''فارس'' محمود احمدی‌نژاد در پایان جلسه هیئت دولت در جمع خبرنگاران در پاسخ به سؤالی درباره اینکه توصیه شما به شورای نگهبان چیست، گفت: ''همه سلایق در انتخابات حضور داشته باشند تا ملت بتوانند انتخاب خود را انجام دهند.''

وی همچنین درباره حماسه سیاسی در سال جاری اظهار داشت: ''به نظر من انتخابات یک فرصت همگانی برای هم‌افزایی حرکت ملت است. انتخابات می‌تواند زمینه‌ای برای یک حماسه سیاسی بزرگ در کشور باشد.''

آیت الله علی خامنه ای رهبر جمهوری اسلامی ایران، سال جاری شمسی را ''سال حماسه سیاسی و اقتصادی'' نام گذاشته است.

احمدی‌نژاد در باره اینکه صدا و سیما حرکت وسیعی را برای تخریب دولت آغاز کرده است، گفت: «بالاخره رابطه ملت و دولت رابطه‌ای مشخص و شفاف است و هیچ کس نمی‌تواند آن را تخریب کند.»

همچنین احمدی‌نژاد در پاسخ به این سؤال که واکنش شما در صورت رد صلاحیت مشایی از سوی شورای نگهبان چیست گفت: ‌«امروز چقدر هوا خوب است و به نظرم یکی از بهترین روزهای بهاری است.»

 

http://farsi.alarabiya.net/fa/iran/2013/05/15/همزمان-با-آغاز-بررسی-صلاحیت-نامزدهای-انتخابات-توسط-شورای-نگهبان.html

بررسی وضعیت حقوق بشر مربوط به عرب های ایران در پارلمان بریتانیا ... فعالان اهوازی گزارش های خود را تقدیم کردند

دبی-العربیه.نت فارسی -

کمیته حقوق بشر در پارلمان بریتانیا روز چهارشنبه 15-5-2013 به دعوت حزب محافظه کار حاکم این کشور و با حضور فعالان اهوازی ، وضعیت حقوق بشر عرب های ایران را مورد بررسی قرار دادند.

در این جلسه فعالان حقوق بشر اهوازی گزارش هایی را درباره نقض حقوق بشر از سوی دولت ایران علیه عرب های این کشور قرائت کردند.

به گزارش العربیه "روبرت بوکلند" عضو پارلمان بریتانیا و رئیس این جلسه نقض حقوق بشر علیه عربهای اهوازی را یکی از "بدترین فجایع در جهان" برشمرد و بیان داشت :" انتخابات ریاست جمهوری آینده در ایران ، می تواند فرصتی را برای بر ملا کردن نقض حقوق بشر علیه عرب های اهوازی فراهم کند."

بوکلند در این جلسه از موضع ویلیام هیگ وزیر خارجه بریتانیا نسبت به محکومیت اعدام ها در اهواز استقبال کرد.

یوسف عزیزی دبیر کانون مبارزه با نژادپرستی و عرب‌ستیزی در ایران به عنوان یکی از سخنران این جلسه بود . وی اظهار داشت که عرب های اهوازی از زمان سقوط حکومت شیخ خزعل ، از آزار و واذیت مستمر از جمله تبعیض نژادی، زبانی، اقتصادی و سیاسی از سوی دولت های ایران رنج می برند.

وی افزود که دولت های ایرانی نام شهرهای عربی را در اقلیم عربستان (خوزستان) به فارسی تغییر دادند. به گفته وی موسیقی ، تئاتر و انتشار روزنامه به زبان عربی در این اقلیم تقریبا ممنوع است و 100% مدیران رسانه های محلی در اهواز را غیر بومیان تشکیل می دهند.

از سوی دیگر الهام ساعدی فعال حقوق زنان در این جلسه اظهار داشت که زن عرب اهوازی از ظلم مضاعف رنج می برد چرا که به گفته او " اگر مرد عرب اهوازی در ایران شهروند درجه دو به شمار می رود ، زن عرب در این کشور به دلیل ظلم و ستمی که بر ضد او اعمال می شود ، شهروند درجه سه به شمار می آید."

وی افزود :" در دوره اصلاحات ریاست جمهوری محمد خاتمی زن اهوازی شایستگی خود را در زمینه های سیاسی و اجتماعی ثابت کرد و توانست سه کرسی از 9 کرسی شورای شهر را تصاحب کند." ساعدی بیان داشت که رژیم ایران هم اکنون جهت فشار به فعالان اهوازی ، با همسران آنها همچون گروگان رفتار می کند.

در این جلسه ابراهیم العربی فعال حقوق بشر اهواز با اشاره به نقض سیستماتیک و گسترده حقوق بشر علیه عرب ها در ایران تاکید کرد که اعدام عرب های اهوازی به امری عادی تبدیل شده است و در این زمینه زندانیان سیاسی بیش از همه در معرض شکنجه، تجاوز و قتل قرار دارند.

وی بیان داشت که نیروهای امنیتی ایران اخذ اعترافات اجباری در پی آن هستند تا فعالان اهوازی را به گروهها یا کشورهای خارجی از جمله کشورهای غربی و اسرائیل نسبت دهند در حالیکه فعالیت اغلب آنها فرهنگی است."

هیفاء اسدی دیگر سخنران این جلسه به مشکلات زیست محیطی در اهواز از جمله تغییر مسیر رودخانه ها و خشک شدن مرداب و تخریب کشت خرما و زمین های کشاورزی پرداخت.

اسدی رژیم ایران را متهم کرد که از طریق انتقال آب رودخانه های کرخه و کارون به دیگر استان ها و برنامه ریزی برای بنای بیش از 69 سد ، باعث بروز بسیاری از مشکلات اقتصادی و زیست محیطی برای مردم این اقلیم از جمله مهاجرت ساکنان بیش از 40 روستا شده است.

درسهایی که باید از زلزله خاش و سراوان بگیریم

اختصاصی ندای زاهدان - یاسر کرد - زلزله 7/8 ریشتری، که در ساعت 14: 15 روز 27 فروردین ماه سالجاری خاش و سراوان  را تکان داد . اولا" نشان داد که حادثه همیشه برای دیگران نیست و ممکن است ما را نیز در بگیر ثانیا" برای عقلهای سلیم و عبرت آموز حاوی درسهای بیشماری است که در صورت توجه و درس آموزی از آن می تواند در حوادث مشابه و احتمالی دیگر به کاربیاید.

 

روز  وقوع زلزله در اداره( ایرانشهر)  بودم ، وقتی از اداره بیرون زدیم ،  با اینکه شدت زلزله بر خلاف خاش و سراوان در ایرانشهر کمتر بود،  اما  مردم وحشت زده به بیرون از منازل و مغازه ها  آمده بودند. به خانه که رسیدم  برای اطلاع بیشتر از کم و کیف زلزله  کانال  شبکه استانی هامون را زدم  دیدم هیچ خبر و گزارشی از زلزله  نیست ،  بنابراین پیش خودم فکر کردم که احتمالا" کانون زلزله  یا در  استان کرمان یا هرمزگان بوده است.

جلوی تلویزیون نشستم . خستگی زیاد  با وجود ترس از زلزله پلکهایم را سنگین کرده بود. لحظاتی بعد زیر نویس شبکه هامون را دیدم که نوشته بود :  برای کسب اطلاعات  بیشتر از زلزله سراوان  به شبکه خبر مراجعه کنید. برنامه ویژه زلزله سراوان و خبر ویژه و فوری در مورد زلزله 7/8 ریشتری سراوان و   ریشترهای بالای زلزله و اینکه محل وقوع زلزله که بین خاش (زادگاهم)  و سراوان بود ، لحظاتی شوکه ام کرد. فریاد کشیدم که با این درجه از زلزله تلفات سنگین است. باز مجری شبکه خبر تاکید داشت که تا حالا بیش از 40 نفر کشته شده اند . تلفن ها همراه همگی دچار اختلال بودند . دیگر نشستن را جایز نمی دانستم وسایلمان را جمع کردیم و به طرف خاش حرکت کردیم. مدام با دوستان و آشنایان در خاش و سراوان در تماس بودیم که خوشبختانه یکی از اقوام تماس گرفت و در مورد خاش اطلاعات کاملی داد. که باعث لغو سفرمان شد.

 

این زلزله با این وسعت و شدت واقعا" می توانست فاجعه ای جهانی خلق کند. بماند که در علت و دلایل وقوع آن حرفهای غیر علمی زیاد زده شد و حتی   عده ای با سوء استفاده از احساسات مذهبی در میان عوام مدعی کرامات برخی  در نداشتن تلفات نیز شدند.

اما این زلزله هشداری  جدی برای همه چه مردم و چه مسئولان بود . تصور کنید اگر بجای  اینکه زلزله در عمق 95 کیلومتری زمین و  مثلا" در عمق  10 کیلومتری و در نزدیکی شهر سراوان یا خاش اتفاق می افتاد آن موقع با این وضعیت آمادگی آیا فکر می کنید  دیگر چنین نقاطی در روی زمین وجود داشتند؟

منظور از آمادگی ، آماده بودن  در سه سطح پیش از بحران ، حین بحران و پس از بحران است. خیلی از کشورهای حادثه خیز اصلا" رشته ای دانشگاهی تحت عنوان: « مدیریت بحران»  دارند که با تبیین و تئوریزه کردن بسیاری از مفاهیم توانسته اند تا حدود زیادی بر بحرانها فائق آیند . نمونه موفق آن کشور ژاپن است.

 

 از آمادگی پیش از بحران در مورد زلزله گفتیم . من خاش را مثال می زنم چون اطلاعاتم از آنجا بیشتر است. آیا از  14 هزار واحد مسکونی که در سطح شهر خاش وجود دارد چند درصد استانداردهای مربوط به ایمنی در مقابل زلزله را رعایت کرده اند؟ اصلا" سوالم از مسولین  شهرداری و سازمان نظام مهندسی ،  مخصوصا" نظام مهندسی است ،  آیا ساختمانهایی که با پروانه کار و تائید دستگاههای ذیربط شما ساخته شده اند در برابر زلزله  استحکام لازم را دارند؟  متاسفانه شواهد نشان می دهد که بدلایل زیاد نظام مهندسی استان و نمایندگی های شهرستانی  و شرکتهای ساختمانی  تحت نظر و  طرف قرارداد این سازمان ،  به کاغذ فروشی مشغولند و شهرداری های استان  هم در این مساله نظارت جدی ندارند و شهرداریها هم  به بسیاری از ساختمانهای فاقد استاندارد پروانه پایان کار داده و متاسفانه بدون درس گرفتن از زلزله اخیر هنوز هم دارند به این کار ادامه می دهند.

 

مساله دیگر آمادگی اقشار مختلف مردمی در برابر پدیده ای طبیعی مانند زلزله است. مردم چقدر آمادگی دارند و سازمانهای متولی بحران نظیر سازمان امداد و نجات چه آموزشهایی در این استان به زنان خانه دار ، دانش آموزان ، کارمندان و دیگر اقشار برای ایمنی بیشتر در مقابل زلزله داده اند ؟ باز مسوولین و  ستاد مدیریت بحران استان و شهر ستانها  چقدر آمادگی لازم را دارند ؟ آیا مثل خیلی از نقاط جهان ستاد مدیریت بحران در استان تاکنون مانورها و جلسات مشترکی را برای هماهنگی بیشتر برگزار کرده اند؟ اعضاء موثر ستاد چقدر به وضعیت روستاها  و مدیریت بحران در روستاهای پراکنده استان اشراف دارند.

 از طرف دیگر تصور بفرمائید که زلزله ای شدید در استان رخ داده است و بدلیل جبر جغرافیا حتی به مراکز  استانهای معین نیز بیش از 400 کیلومتر فاصله است آیا امکانات  اورژانس و  مراکز درمانی و بهداشتی استان  تکافوی  نیازمندیهای بحران و حجم شدید نیازمندیهای پس از بحران خواهد بود؟ آیا  حدود 2000 تخت موجود در بیمارستانهای استان جوابگوی چندین هزار زخمی خواهد خواهد بود؟ آیا حدود  150 تخت ویژه تا پیش از اینکه ایران و جهان به کمک ما بیاید می توانند می توانند جوابگو باشد؟

 

وضعیت اطلاع رسانی که از اهم واجبات در مدیریت حین بحران  است و متاسفانه در این حادثه طبیعی صدا و سیمای استان عملکرد ضعیفی را از خود به نمایش گذاشتند -  چگونه باشد؟ جالب بود که در حالی که تقریبا" تمام نگاه جهان به ما بود شبکه استانی هامون ، در افکار کلیشه ای خود غرق بود.در همان ساعات اولیه سیستم ارتباطی مختل شد و  خطوط تلفن همراه کارایی اش را از دست داد. به نظر می رسد که این دستگاهها باید ساختارشان را با مدیریت بحران هماهنگ کنند. جالب اینکه هیچ خبرنگار رسمی از صدا و سیما  در زمان زلزله در این دوشهر وجود نداشت یا اگر هم داشتند نتوانستند اطلاع رسانی لازم را داشته باشند.

 

حوادث غیر مترقبه مانند سیل ، زلزله ، آتشفشان و... می آیند و بشر را از آنها گریزی نیست  و کشوری مانند کشور ما که در کمر بند زلزله خیز و حوادث خیز دنیا قرار دارد باید بتواند این بلایا را چنان مدیریت کند که کمترین خسارت را ببیند . در تعریف مدیریت بحران آمده است : فرآیند پیش بینی و پیشگیری از وقوع بحران برخورد و مداخله در بحران و سالم سازی بعد از وقوع بحران را مدیریت بحران گویند . مدیریت بحران  علمی کاربردی است که به وسیله مشاهده سیستماتیک بحرانها و تجزیه و تحلیل آنها در جستجوی یافتن ابزاری است که بوسیله آنها بتوان از بروز بحران ها ، پیشگیری نمود و یا در صورت بروز آن در خصوص کاهش اثرات آن آمادگی لازم امداد رسانی سریع و بهبودی اوضاع اقدام نمود .

 

به نظر می رسد ما نیز ( چه مردم و چه مسئولان ) باید  لزوما" در این استان حاشیه ای کشور ، درسهای لازم را  از این زلزله گرفته و در جهت کاهش پیامدهای منفی زلزله برنامه ریزی لازم را داشته باشیم و یادمان باشد که بدلیل فاصله زیاد استان با دیگر نقاط کشور در صورت بروز زلزله تا ایران و جهانیان بخواهند به کمک ما بیایند ، شاید آن یاری و کمک  به مثابه نوشدارو باشد!!

 

http://www.nedayezahedan.com/view-1426-درسهایی%20که%20باید%20از%20زلزله%20خاش%20و%20سراوان%20%20بگیریم.html

Pakistan's unending battle over Balochistan

While attention focuses on the restive northwest, southwest Balochistan has been a bloody battleground since 2005.

Quetta, Pakistan - Zakir Majeed, a 26-year-old university student in Pakistan's southwestern Balochistan province, was on his way to a friend's house when he was stopped by men travelling in two cars, both without registration plates. The men introduced themselves as Pakistani intelligence agents, and took Majeed and his friends into custody. While his friends were released soon after, Majeed, a student rights activist with the Baloch Students Organisation (BSO), was not. That was June 8, 2009. Today, almost four years later, there remains no sign of Majeed, and, according to Baloch rights groups and his family, authorities refuse to officially disclose whether or not he was taken into their custody. Majeed has become one of Pakistan's thousands of "missing people" - those who have mysteriously disappeared without a trace, whether picked up by armed groups or, as many families of victims allege, the government. The missing include rights and political activists, armed fighters and seemingly innocent men and women. In Balochistan alone - where ethnic Baloch say they are marginalised by the state and deprived of their rights - the Voice of Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP) group puts their number at more than 2,200 since 2005.  Video Balochistan on edge after sectarian killings   "When a student raises his voice or his pen [in support of our rights], he is imprisoned or killed," says Javed Baloch, 33, the secretary-general of the BSO at Balochistan University in Quetta, the provincial capital. Muhammed Jan Baloch, 28, another BSO leader at the same university, says that Baloch are being targeted by the government for fighting for their rights. "Thousands of Baloch have been disappeared, tortured and killed," he says. "If a Baloch is working against the state, then bring him before a court and charge him. We don't see this, however - we only see their bodies appear." Javed Baloch says many activists feel they are being left with no choice but to take up arms against the government."We have tried all democratic routes - they have not worked. Our weapons are now our only defence." A history of marginalisation Balochistan, Pakistan's largest but least populous province - home to about 13 million of Pakistan's estimated 182 million people - is also its least economically developed. The province has the country's lowest growth record and worst infrastructure, along with its highest rates of poverty, lowest social indicators for health and education and lowest levels of satisfaction with government service delivery, according to a recent World Bank report. Yet it is a province at the centre of Pakistan's main issues: nuclear weapon tests were carried out here in 1998; it is here that al-Qaeda's "Quetta Shura" leadership council is said to reside; and it was the cases of missing people in Balochistan that set up a judicial showdown between the Pakistani Supreme Court and then-president Pervez Musharraf, which culminated in the imposition of a state of emergency in 2007 and, eventually, Musharraf's resignation. Rich in natural resources but poor in development, Balochistan's economy is based on mining - mainly coal, copper and gold - basic fruit and livestock farming, and the extraction of natural gas. And it is on the issue of natural gas that ethnic Baloch - and ethnic Brahui who align themselves with the Baloch - take issue with the Pakistani state, accusing the federal government of extracting the province's natural wealth without providing a corresponding amount of funds on development projects. Despite the gas from the Sui gas field powering Pakistan's economic development through most of the late 20th century, the villages near the field in the province's east, residents told Al Jazeera, remain not only without basic educational and health facilities, they do not even have natural gas utility connections. The mindset of the establishment ... is to crush the Baloch people, to dominate them, to subjugate them. Jamil Bugti, son of Baloch nationalist leader The Baloch have fought two major widespread guerilla campaigns against the Pakistani state, seeking independence between 1973-77 and again in an ongoing fight starting in 2005. Leaders say they are seeking an independent Baloch state in the province's southeast - with the northern Pashtun-majority area free to decide its own fate. Each uprising so far has been crushed by the Pakistani army, with the government terming them foreign-funded conspiracies against the nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The latest movement began in 2005, and escalated after the death of Nawab Akbar Bugti, a Baloch nationalist leader who had served as governor and chief minister of the province, but who had increasingly distanced himself from the central government and called for an independent Baloch state. He died in August 2006, in circumstances that remain unclear. His supporters say he was lured into a trap by the Pakistani state, which then bombed the cave that he had set up camp in, while the government says the cave simply collapsed. Bugti's death resulted in an escalation of the conflict with armed Baloch groups - notably the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) - stepping up attacks against security forces and non-Baloch citizens. In 2012, 690 civilians and 178 security forces personnel were killed. Underscoring the increasing violence, a convoy carrying Sanaullah Zehri - provincial president of the main opposition Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) - was attacked on Tuesday. Zehri survived but four people were killed, including his brother and son. Sanaullah is a candidate in Pakistan's general elections in May, and the BLA has vowed it will not allow the vote to go ahead. The state, for its part, is alleged to have increased the number of "disappearances" of Baloch activists, and, through its security agencies, to have begun a "kill-and-dump" campaign post-2009, with the previously disappeared people appearing on roadsides, their bodies bearing marks of torture. Baloch activists allege at least 398 people have been extrajudicially killed since 2009. "The Baloch people did not gain anything from [participating in parliamentary democracy], and they will not gain anything," says Jamil Bugti, Akbar Bugti's son, who spoke to Al Jazeera at his home in the village of Mian Ghundi. He and many of his tribe remain unable to return to Dera Bugti, their main village, he says. "The main thing is the mindset of the establishment ... to crush the Baloch people, to dominate them, to subjugate them," Bugti says. "They are more interested in the Baloch land and the Baloch, in whatever little way, is resisting that. You [can] call it an insurgency, call it a freedom fight, call it getting rid of slavery, which is everybody's right." 'Kill and dump' The dumping of bodies of those disappeared began after the civilian government took over from Musharraf, who ruled Pakistan as military dictator and president from 1999 to 2008, says Bugti. Rights activists say a 136 bodies were found in alleged "kill-and-dump" cases in 2012. Between January and March 2013, 130 civilians were killed in violence in the province and 39 bodies found dumped. "They picked up people, tortured them, killed them and then made sure that their bodies were recovered," says Bugti. "Sometimes with 'Pakistan Zindabad' ['long live Pakistan'] written on their bodies, or a Pakistani flag stuck in their bodies. Or bodies hanging from trees, and all that. So this [is] kind of a message. "[But] the more you suppress people, the more innocent people are picked up, the more the movement gains strength." Baloch leader Jehan Zeb Jamaldini [Asad Hashim/Al Jazeera] Other Baloch political leaders agree. "The sense of deprivation has made the Baloch people incredibly pessimistic," says Jehan Zeb Jamaldini, a central leader of the Balochistan Nationalist Party-Mengal (BNP-M). Jamaldini does not contest the allegations that some armed Baloch pro-independence groups are killing non-Baloch settlers, but he says the state responding with violence is not the answer. "You have made the separatists' work easier," says Jamaldini. "This is like striking your own foot with your own axe." Nawabzada Lashkari Raisani is a leader of the Raisani tribe and a former senator who recently resigned saying the government - led by his former Pakistan People's Party (PPP) - was not addressing Baloch grievances. He is against the creation of an independent nation, however. Raisani has since joined the opposition PML-N. When these people who are raising slogans come into government, they will see the ground realities. It is very easy to raise slogans when you are outside government. Akbar Durrani, provincial home secretary Raisani says most Baloch are less concerned about independence, and more worried about good governance. "People today cannot do their business in peace, they cannot send their children to school … There is no electricity. These are all the crises, and this is making people desperate enough to stand with those people who [have] called for separation." As one Baloch lawyer, who is an advocate at the Pakistani Supreme Court and spoke on condition of anonymity, put it, most Baloch feel betrayed by the federal government. “There are only two things we can expect from the Pakistani state now: freedom or death.” Pakistani sovereignty The Pakistani government, for its part, denies it is depriving Baloch of either their rights or their natural resources without fair recompense. According to the federal government, the Balochistan provincial government's budget is subsidised by the state, with expenditure outstripping revenue by a staggering 97 percent, $1.62bn, in the last fiscal year. Nationalist leaders, however, consider that figure to be flawed. "The federal government is not giving us anything - it is looting our province, and then giving us some of it back as charity," says Jamaldini, the BNP-M leader. On disappearances, the government and security services deny involvement in kidnappings, and allege it is Baloch separatist groups that are responsible in order to justify escalating their own violence. "Of the 950 names that [the VMBP] put before the Supreme Court, most have been located," Akbar Durrani, the provincial home secretary, told Al Jazeera. "Only 86 remain missing. These allegations are made only to malign our intelligence agencies." Durrani also alleges that armed Baloch groups receive financial support from unnamed international powers seeking to destabilise Pakistan. Tribal sources and businessmen involved in the mining sector, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Al Jazeera a major part of funding comes from protection money paid by mine owners in rural parts of the province. As for Baloch political leaders' allegations of state complicity in extrajudicial killings? Durrani denies any government involvement. "When these people who are raising slogans come into government, they will see the ground realities. It is very easy to raise slogans when you are outside government," he says. Follow Asad Hashim on Twitter: @AsadHashim 1895

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/04/2013415113250391656.html

Baloch nationalists fight Pakistan at polls

Stuck between bullets and ballots, residents of Balochistan are caught between separatist fighters and state forces.

Stuck between bullets and ballots, residents of Balochistan are caught between separatist fighters and state forces. Asad Hashim Last Modified: 05 May 2013 12:07 Watch  the video here

Quetta, Pakistan - As in most other parts of the country, the Pakistani government - both national and provincial - has been lambasted for failing to deliver basic governance and services to the people of Balochistan. In this province, however, citizens have a more pressing complaint against the state: the lack of provision of basic rights to the provinces’ ethnic Baloch (and Brahui) residents, and a sustained campaign of disappearances and killings of Baloch rights activists, allegedly carried out by the government’s intelligence agencies and the military. More than 2,200 Baloch citizens - Balochistan’s “disappeared” - have gone missing without a trace since 2005, says the Voice of Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP), a Baloch rights group. The bodies of more than 400 more have been found dumped, often on the side of the road, in various parts of Balochistan since 2009, the group says. As the country gears up for a general election, though, Baloch nationalist political parties have once again decided to enter the fold of electoral politics, after boycotting the last such polls in 2008. “We are accused that we do not work within democratic politics, and are simply trying to break away from the State,” Dr Jehanzeb Jamaldini, senior vice-president of the Mengal faction of the Balochistan National Party (BNP-M), told Al Jazeera. “So to try and dispel that impression, we are coming forth to take part in the elections, to be a part of the democratic process.” Jamaldini accuses the country’s civilian and military establishment of having created a “fake leadership” in Balochistan, to occupy seats in the provincial and national assembly and rubber stamp the State’s policies. He holds these politicians - many of whom are Baloch tribal leaders - responsible for the fact that Balochistan currently has the worst infrastructure and lowest indicators for social development (such as health and education) of any province in the federation. There does appear, however, to be a contradiction at play in the BNP-M’s stance on these elections. On the one hand, party activists and leaders say they are determined to pursue the issue of Baloch rights through parliamentary democracy, but, on the other, leaders like Jamaldini also say they have no expectation that “the real controllers” (his term for the military and state intelligence agencies) will ever change their mindset. “Our establishment is deaf and dumb to the reality of the outcome of their policies,” he says. “They didn’t learn when East Pakistan gained independence as Bangladesh [in 1971], and they aren’t learning now “I remain pessimistic about the establishment changing its mindset. They want to bring a ‘controlled parliament’, and they especially want to squeeze and marginalise the BNP, in order to destroy its image among the people.” Between a rock and the rebels There are also two strains of Baloch nationalists: those who are operating political parties, and those who have been fighting an ongoing armed rebellion against the state since 2005, and reject the idea of elections outright. Baloch student activists organise at the University of Balochistan in Quetta [Asad Hashem/Al Jazeera] “[Armed rebel groups] have said to the political parties that they would not allow the Pakistan government to, in the name of elections, again deceive us. And we request and appeal to [the nationalists] not to take part in the elections,” says Abdul Hakeem Lehri, a central leader of the Baloch Republican Party (BRP), one of the main political parties fighting for separation from the state. “Of course, there is a war. In the war, there will be violence. [...] We want peace, but not at the cost of slavery,” he told Al Jazeera, when speaking of the threat posed to Baloch nationalist parties by those “in the mountains”, as the local euphemism for the numerous armed groups goes. “Our party believes in the independence of Balochistan. The Baloch people want to be independent and want an independent country. Because we are slaves here,” he says. “Elections are not our problem. That is Pakistan's problem. Our problem is that Pakistan must leave from here and give the power and independence to the Baloch.” Jamil Bugti, the son of Baloch tribal leader Nawab Akbar Bugti, who was killed (allegedly by the state) in 2006, agrees with that assessment, and feels nationalist parties have been “tricked” into accepting the writ of the state by taking part in elections. “Even if they form a government - I don’t think that will happen, but hypothetically speaking, let’s say it does happen - even then Balochistan’s issues will not be resolved, because […] power will not be transferred. It will be in the same hands as it has been in the last 65 years,” he told Al Jazeera. “This will be a show, to show that nationalists have come into the Baloch government through ‘free and fair elections’. “I have told my brother - who leads his faction of the Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP) - the same thing, that you are being trapped. That the issues will not be resolved.” (Talal Bugti, the brother in question, whose JWP is taking part in the polls, when asked by Al Jazeera if he agreed with his brother’s assessment said that he, too, had “no expectation that things will change for the Baloch”. “I am,” he said, “just waiting for a miracle.) Government response The government rejects accusations of having suppressed the Baloch or Baloch rights, with the provincial home secretary Akbar Durrani telling Al Jazeera that “99.9 percent of Baloch are patriotic to Pakistan […] and 0.1 percent want to take them hostage”. “They always say it is a handful of people [who are fighting for independence],” says Jamil Bugti. “If that is the case, why don’t you hold a referendum, under the UN? Because if you do, you’ll see that it is the other way around: 99 percent want to opt out of Pakistan.” “Elections,” he says, “are not the solution to the Baloch problem. The solution lies in a re-demarcation of the province”, with Pashtun-majority areas in the north allowed to decide their own fate, and those in the southern and eastern Baloch belt (including parts of present-day Punjab and Sindh provinces) allowed to choose their own path. It is a view shared by several nationalist activists Al Jazeera has spoken to. Between a lack of faith in the electoral process, and continuing threats from armed Baloch nationalists to those seen taking part in the elections, particularly in rural areas, a low voter turnout is expected in these polls, residents of several districts told Al Jazeera. “The people of Balochistan have now decided that they will not accept anything: only independence,” says Lehri, the BRP leader. “It's not just my party. The whole of Balochistan is refusing it. Either the people who are resisting, in the mountains and the cities, the Baloch Liberation Army, Baloch Republican Army or Baloch Liberation Front, or so many other groups, fighting against them. They will not recognise it.” Lehri lays the blame for the armed conflict squarely at the door of the state, and its policies in the province. “They say that the Baloch are fighting against Pakistan. We are not fighting against Pakistan, Pakistan is fighting against us.” Lashkari Raisani, a Baloch tribal leader and candidate for the provincial assembly, however, rejects that idea, instead terming the armed groups campaign of targeted killings of non-Baloch citizens in the province a “genocide”. Raisani, who resigned from his Senate seat last year over the issue of Baloch rights, accuses the leaders of the armed struggle for independence of being “protected” by the United Kingdom and Switzerland, and terms them “so-called nationalists”. “[The armed groups] are threatening us have been violating human rights conventions, they are war criminals. They are involved in the genocide of settler Balochistanis,” he told Al Jazeera at his party’s campaign office in Quetta, the provincial capital. “Democracy is the only way that we can come out of these crises,” he said. “We are striving towards establishing a democratic tradition. Victory has always been through a democratic and peaceful struggle. The terrorists always lose.” Trust deficit Whether democracy or the way of the gun are the routes to Baloch rights, however, all parties in the province agree that the Baloch have been deprived of their share of development, and that the situation needs addressing. “We are hoping some change comes with the nationalist parties,” says Hashim Khan Baloch, a 25-year-old Baloch student activist from the town of Noshki, “but we don’t see it. Even now, people are being disappeared in Makran division. In my own area I have seen people be detained by unidentified people just for electioneering.” Khalid Baloch, 25, a Baloch Students Organisation (BSO) activist from Kharan, says that there is some hope that, if nationalist parties win enough seats in the provincial assembly, things could “cool down”. “They are at least representative of us,” he said. Several activists said they were also concerned at the threat posed by armed groups to those who took part in the elections, however. “Before, we knew our enemies were external,” says Khan Baloch, referring to the state’s intelligence and security services. “Now the enemies are even within our midst.” “Those in the mountains,” says Khalid, “They don’t accept Pakistan at all. And on fundamental issues, I agree with them. Today, no Baloch has received justice from the state. Several of our students have been disappeared from outside their classes by the [paramilitary] Frontier Corps. So why would people accept Pakistan?” All agree, however, that it is the issue of the disappeared people, and those whose bodies have been found, that drives a push towards the armed groups’ point of view. The armed campaign against the state, and the state’s suppression of it, has created an atmosphere of distrust and unease, residents of Quetta and other districts alike say. Ultimately, it is this trust deficit that all nationalist forces - whether armed, taking part in the elections or boycotting them - can agree on. “There is a trust deficit here,” says Jamaldini, the BNP-M leader. “The government has used the Quran to bring people out to negotiate, and then killed or captured them. “Someone would have to be crazy to come down from the mountains to speak to them.” Raisani, Lehri and both younger and elder Bugti all endorsed that view. As one shopkeeper on Quetta’s Saryab road - known locally as “Gaza”, for the frequency of disappearances and violent incidents that occur in the area - put it, when asked what he thought of the nationalists’ chances at the polls this year: “I can’t speak about it. I don’t know if you are with the intelligence agencies ... and you don’t know if I am.” Follow Asad Hashim on Twitter: @AsadHashim 1821

Source: Al Jazeera

بلوچ کیوں پاکستانی انتخابات کا حصہ نہیں بنیں گے؟ ڈاکٹر اللہ نذر بلوچ

انگریز کی وضع کردہ قوانین کے تحت نو آ بادیاتی ہندوستان میں انڈین نیشنل کانگریس نے انتخابات میں حصہ لیا۔کانگریس کے صدرابوالکلام آزاد کے بقول تمام کانگریسی وزراء ہندوستان کے بجائے انگریزی گورنروں کے زیر اثر رہے اور انہی کی پالیسیوں کو اپنایا۔کیا یہ حقیقت نہیں کہ جہاں کہیں بھی نو آبادیاتی قوتوں نے قوانین بنائے انہوں نے اس نو آبادیات پر اپنے قبضے کو دوام دینے اور اسکے وسائل کے بے دریغ لوٹ کھسوٹ کو قانونی لبادہ پہنایا؟۔ یہی کچھ 1948ء سے لیکر اب تک ہمارے بلوچ وطن میں ہو رہا ہے۔ایک چھوٹے سے گروہ کو شرکت اقتدار (اقتدارِاعلی نہیں)دیکر پوری قوم کو یرغمال بنایاگیا اور اسی مراعات یافتہ گروہ(اشرافیہ)کو قائم و دائم رکھنے کیلئے مقبوضہ بلوچستان میں حالیہ انتخابات بزورِ طاقت کرائے جارہے ہیں۔

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Why do the Baloch Reject the 2013 Election? – By Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch

Colonial powers such as Pakistan make laws to justify their occupation, and to exploit the resources of the colonized by hiding behind the obscuring veil of the state and elections.

The Indian National Congress took part in elections under an electoral framework formulated by the British Empire. According to Abdul Kalam Azad, the President of the Congress, all Congress ministers would work under the influence of British governors, and would adopt policies dictated by those governors, as a result of these elections. Is it not true that wherever colonials formulate laws, they aim to legitimize their exploitation and plunder under the shadow of those very laws?

The same thing has been happening in our Baloch land since 1948. The whole nation has been taken hostage, in exchange for a small share of state power for a small group of individuals (and that, too not at the state’s highest levels) . In order to protect and sustain this small privileged group, elections will be held in occupied Balochistan–with the help of extensive force.

In March 1948, Pakistan violated international laws governing political boundaries, and invaded the Baloch land by military force. From day one and up to 1973, the Pakistani assembly passed many laws to thwart the Baloch land’s political status, and annex it to Western Pakistan-cum-Punjab. Similarly, those laws and legislative institutions became the basis for the execution of the Baloch people. Everyone, from Babu Nowroz to Hamid Baloch, was a victim of these same assemblies and of their drafted laws. On the basis of such laws and assemblies, non-Balochi languages were imposed on the Baloch, their cultural values were distorted, and extensive efforts were made to cause the Baloch to be attracted to the unnatural country of Pakistan–a trend that continues today.

All these legislative insinuations and their formulated laws have been used as a bare sword by Pakistani terrorists to shower themselves with the blood of the Baloch people. The Pakistani army’s genocidal war crimes are being justified on the basis of such laws.

The Baloch national struggle, which aims to regain our national freedom, complies with international laws.  It respects all human values, and uses all possible means through which it can counter the brutal army of Pakistan and its death squads. Besides, the Baloch nation, through peaceful means, tries to make the world understand that the Baloch is fighting for the attainment of a free and independent state, while fully respecting globally recognized human rights and values.

The Baloch is struggling for a secular and justice-based state, which would be a buffer state against extremism, terrorism and racism. Indeed, not only the region, but also the entire world would benefit from a free Balochistan. Achieving freedom, the Baloch nation will use its resources for its own welfare, while standing shoulder to shoulder with all peace-loving nations to work for the elimination from the human society of all types of weapons of mass destruction.

The Pakistan media and the pro-Pakistani Baloch groups propagate that opposing Pakistani laws and assemblies are a kind of enmity with democratic values. The so-called democratic groups should understand why Baloch freedom fighters oppose these so called elections:

1-    By appointing just a few persons, the Pakistan intelligence agencies try to convince the world public opinion that the Baloch recognize Pakistani institutions, and that, the occupation of Balochistan has taken place in accordance with the will of the Baloch people. They also want to convey to the international community, particularly the UN, that the occupation of Balochistan is a legitimate act.

2-    The colonial assemblies, so far, have only passed laws through which the Pakistani establishment can enhance its grip over the occupied territory, such as annexing Jacob Abad (Khan Garh), Rajanpur, DG Khan to Punjab and Sind, depriving the Baloch from their mother tongue, and distorting their culture. Under the colonial laws the natural resources of Balochistan have been given to the army and secret services, to be used for depriving the Baloch people from their right for freedom (as Raeesani and Magsi governments have given the Baloch resources to the army, FC and Rangers and have committed genocide against the Baloch people). Similarly, the coming assembly would remain loyal to the federal government, and would pass the same laws, which it has been passing from 1948 up to now.

3-    The main aim of these elections is to create a privileged class, which would be operate as a fifth column against freedom activists. We have seen members of previous assemblies admitting on assembly floors that they had authorized the FC and the Army to conduct military operations in Balochistan. Killing and dumping thousands of Baloch people is the only achievement that these assembly members can speak of.

4-    These elections aim at passing laws against the Baloch freedom struggle, at devising legal ways to exploit the national resources of Balochistan to occupiers, and convincing the world public opinion that the Baloch themselves are signing such agreements through assemblies. In this regard, the Saindak project, the Reco-deck project, Gawader port, Sui Gas field, all are clear examples. This assembly, in the name of democracy, would pass such laws through which it would legalize the exploitation of the resources of our Baloch land.

5-    The occupier state would introduce these puppet assembly members as representative of the Baloch nation to the world, and would try to legalize the occupation of the Baloch land.

Therefore, based on the above points, the freedom-loving nation of the Baloch has realized that it will not be a part of Pakistani institutions, and conveys this message to the world: These institutions are not representing the Baloch nation.  At present, the entire Baloch nation has rejected the Pakistani parliament-loving-people, and they are facing severe rejections in almost 95 per cent of Balochistan’s regions. The faithful and neutral media, civilized and human-loving nations, and the international institution including the UN, need to include the Baloch national struggle in their agendas, and declare Balochistan a conflict zone.

 Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch is a commander in the Balochistan Liberation Front.
Courtesy: Tanqeed

http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3648186990829229692#editor/target=post;postID=2316638800485373962

Pakistan violence worries Balochistan voters

Despite increased security following Quetta bombings, election workers and voters are on edge.

Several political candidates in Pakistan's western province of Balochistan have been the victims of election-related violence since campaigning began in April. Some polling stations have been blown up and many teachers, who are required to oversee voting on May 11, are refusing to do so. In the provincial capital Quetta, many people said that they would not vote despite the increase in security. Al Jazeera's Imtiaz Tyab reports from Quetta. 68

Source: Al Jazeera

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فشار یک نهاد دولتی قدرتمند برای تصاحب 20 هکتار از اراضی مرغوب چابهار

یکی از نهادهای دولتی قدرتمند زیر نظر وزارت کشور ،از چند مدت پیش تلاش گسترده ای را برای تصاحب 20 هکتار زمین مرغوب در شهر بندری چابهار که در محدوده ی روبروی پمپ بنزین منطقه ازاد واقع شده شروع کرده و برای رسیدن به خواسته خود فشار زیادی را وارد می کند.

 

به گزارش ندای زاهدان یکی از نهادهای دولتی قدرتمند زیر نظر وزارت کشور، از چند مدت پیش تلاش گسترده ای را برای تصاحب 20 هکتار زمین مرغوب در شهر بندری چابهار که در محدوده ی روبروی پمپ بنزین منطقه ازاد واقع شده شروع کرده و برای رسیدن به خواسته خود فشار زیادی را به شهرداری و شورای شهر چابهار وارد می کند. زمین مورد اشاره مدتها مورد اختلاف شرکت کشتیرانی جنوب و شهرداری چابهار بود که پس از مدتها شهرداری چابهار توانست از طریق دادگاه مالکیت این زمین 20 هکتاری را به دست آورد. بر اساس طرح تفضیلی چابهار این زمین برای معاوضه منازل بافت فرسوده شهروندان چابهار و همچنین اجرای پروژه های درآمدزا برای شهر در نظر گرفته شده است.  بعد از صدور رای دادگاه به نفع شهرداری چابهار و قطعی شدن مالکیت شهرداری ، این نهاد با پیگیریهای بسیار زیاد و تحت فشار گذاشتن شورای شهر و مسوولین شهرداری به دنبال تصاحب این زمین جهت واگذاری به کارمندان خود است. به نظر می رسد چاره کار ورود  نهادهای بازرسی و قضایی و سایر دستگاههای مسوول در این پرونده و بررسی کامل موضوع می باشد تا حقی از شهر و شهروندان چابهار ضایع نشود.   http://www.nedayezahedan.com/view-1435-فشار%20یک%20نهاد%20دولتی%20قدرتمند%20برای%20تصاحب%2020%20هکتار%20%20از%20اراضی%20%20مرغوب%20چابهار.html

نماینده خاش: چرا مسوولان مردم آسیب دیده از زلزله ۷.۸ ریشتری سراوان را رها کرده اند؟

به گزارش ندای زاهدان حمیدرضا پشنگ، نماینده مردم خاش در  مجلس شورای اسلامی دراین باره  گفت: مسئولان با بیان این نکته که خسارت‌های وارده به مردم زلزله زده سیستان و بلوچستان ناچیز است از رسیدگی به وضعیت منطقه شانه خالی می‌کنند. وی با اشاره به این نکته که وقوع زلزله بزرگ 7.8 ریشتری «گُشت» در سراوان سیستان و بلوچستان شوک قابل توجهی به مردم منطقه بوده و آنها نیازمند توجه مسئولان هستند افزود: هنوز رییس جمهور به عنوان شخص اول اجرایی کشور پیام یا بیانیه‌ای برای مردم زلزله‌زده بلوچستان نداده است و این درحالی است که رییس مجلس شورای اسلامی در صحن علنی مجلس ضمن تاکید بر توجه به وضعیت مردم با آنها همدردی کرد. نماینده مردم خاش، میرجاوه و نصرت آباد در مجلس شورای اسلامی با اشاره به این نکته که اگر خسارت جانی این زلزله محدود بوده باید شاکر رب‌العالمین باشیم نه اینکه به مردم خسارت‌دیده بی‌توجهی کنیم توضیح داد: 700 واحد مسکونی در منطقه آسیب جدی دیده است که ترک‌های عمیق روی دیوار منازل باعث شده مردم احساس امنیت برای سکونت در آن نداشته باشند.   تابستان سختی در راه است عضو کمیسیون عمران مجلس شورای اسلامی همچنین با اشاره به بازدید اعضای کمیسیون متبوع خود از منطقه زلزله زده گفت: آب شرب خاش 50 لیتر در ثانیه با افت مواجه شده است این وضع می‌تواند تابستانی سخت و بی‌آب را برای مردم و به ویژه کشاورزان رقم بزند. پشنگ به گزارش دیگری از وضعیت چاه‌ها و قنوات منطقه اشاره کرد و افزود: براثر زلزله و شدت وقوع آن بسیاری چاه‌ها ریزش داشته و قنوات هم‌آسیب دیده‌اند. استان ما منطقه کم‌آبی است. همین خسارت می‌تواند مردم رااز همان حداقل‌ آب هم محروم کند. این نماینده مجلس شورای اسلامی با انتقاد از شیوه مواجهه مسئولان با خسارت‌های مردم زلزله‌زده استان سیستان و بلوچستان گفت: شاید ارزش یک خانه خشت و گِلی در یک روستا بسیار ناچیز باشد و با یک آپارتمان مرکزنشین قابل مقایسه نباشد اما مسئله این است که همان خانه خشت و گلی با تیرهای چوبی برای روستایی سرپناهی است که همان ارزش آپارتمان مرکزنشین را دارد. درست نیست مسئولانی که در خانه باغ‌های خود در مرکز نشسته‌اند بگویند خسارت وارده کم بوده است. سرپناه مردم همه چیز آنهاست و به آنها احساس امنیت می‌دهد. نماینده مردم خاش، میرجاوه و نصرت آباد در مجلس شورای اسلامی با تاکید براینکه مردم شوک‌زده از زلزله همچنان چشم‌انتظار هم‌دردی مسئولان و توجه آنان هستند گفت: لازم است مسئولان علاوه بر حمایت‌های معنوی به صورت عملی نیز به وضعیت مردم و کشاورزان منطقه توجه کنند و در روند بازسازی چاه‌ها و شبکه آبرسانی آب شرب منطقه تسریع کنند.   خبر آنلاین

شبکه بهداشت ودرمان شهرستان چابهاردرحسرت یک مدیربومی بلوچ

شبکه بهداشت ودرمان شهرستان چابهاردرحسرت یک مدیربومی بلوچ
دکتر عباسی رییس بیمارستان چابهار مدتی پیش از این پست استعفا کرد از زمانی که کلینیک جراحی ایرانیان در منطقه آزاد راه اندازی شده در آمدهای بیمارستان شهر به شدت کاهش یافته است البته این کاهش ناشی از استقبال شهروندان از خدمات مطلوب این کلینک بخش خصوصی نیست همچنین اکثریت مطلق شهروندان شهرستان حتی توان پرداخت هزینه های درمانی این بیمارستان را ندارند بارها در همین بیمارستان بیمارانی بدلیل عدم توان پرداخت هزینه ها توسط مدیران بیمارستان هفته ها پس از ترخیص نگه داشته شده اند ویا به تعبیر یک پزشک گروگان گرفته شده اند
از طرفی پزشکان متخصص بدون توجه حتی بیماران ویزیت و معاینه شده در تنها بیمارستان دولتی شهررا برای عمل به اجباربه بستری شدن در کلینک مذکور می کنند ومدیران این بیمارستان نه تنها مانع این عمل می شوند بلکه بعضا حمایت نیز می کنند چندی پیش مریضی را برای ویزیت به بیمارستان شهر با دفترچه تامین اجتماعی بردم به عمل جزیی نیاز داشت تنها پزشک حلق و بینی اصرار داشت که بیمار حتما در کلینیک ایرانیان بستری شود هرچه توجیهش کردم که از پس هزینه های این کلینیک بر نمی آیم قبول نکرد بناچار بیمارم را به شهر دیگری بردم احتمالا مدیر پیشین در اثر کاهش در آمدهای بیمارستان مجبور به استعفا شده است
چند روز پیش دوست پزشکی تماس گرفت وگفت جدگال نماینده شهرستان لیستی از پزشکان بلوچ باسابقه مدیریت خواسته است که گویا مسئولین به وی قول انتصاب مدیریت بیمارستان به یک پزشک بومی بلوچ را داده اند به دوستم گفتم حمل بر بدبینی نشود ولی من چشمم آب نمی خورد که هم ولایت های سیستانی نامحرمان بلوچ را به این حیات خلوت راه دهند دوستم تا آنجا پیش رفت که محال است کاندیدی نظیر دکتر دیوبند که سابقا رییس شبکه بهداشت نیکشهر بوده است برای احراز این پست انتخاب نشود اما دیروز خبر شدم دندان پزشکی بنام شهرکی بدون حتی یک سال سابقه مدیریت وحتی رشته نا مرتبطش بر کرسی مدیریت بیمارستان امام علی (ع)تکیه زده است
در شبکه بهداشت درمان حتی مدیرانی سیستانی الاصل که شایبه گرایش به مردم بومی بلوچ را داشته باشند تحمل نمی شوند دکتر معین مدیر با تجربه از دانشگاه سینا به بهانه بازنشستگی کنار گذاشته شد و دکتر شهریار با سابقه کذایی مدیریت این دانشگاه را به عهده گرفته است وبه ریش شهروندان، نماینده ومردم می خندد خداوند عاقبت این قوم را به خیر کند که در شهر و دیار خودش همانند مال غنیمت با آنها برخورد می شود دکتر شکیبا مدیر دانشگاه علوم پزشکی مردم نجیب ؟! را اینقدر تحقیرو مورد تحقیر قرار ندهید که نا شکیبا شوند .

عبدالوهاب ایرانژاد

 

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بیانیه زندانیان سیاسی زندان زاهدان به مناسبت هفته معلم

بیانیه زندانیان سیاسی زندان زاهدان به مناسبت هفته معلم و گرامیداشت معلمان آزادیخواهی همچون جانباخته راه آزادی فرزاد کمانگر که بوسه بر طناب دار زد ولی تسلیم رژیم ولی فقیه نگردید.این بیانیه جهت انتشار در اختیار« فعالین حقوق بشر و دمکراسی در ایران» قرار داده شده است. متن بیانیه به قرار زیر می باشد:
اینجانبان زندانیان سیاسی زندان زاهدان هفته معلم را به فرهنگیان ایران که متولیان واقعی تربیت جوانان ایرانی هستند تبریک عرض نموده و بوسه بر دست این قشر زحمتکش فرهنگی می زنیم و در این هفته لازم است از معلمان وطن پرست و آزادیخواهی مثل مرحوم فرزاد کمانگر آن معلم اهل کردستان و سایر کسانیکه جان خودشان را به خاطر ملت شریف ایران فدا نموده اند و بوسه بر طناب دار زدند تجلیل نماییم.


همچنین در این هفته از مقامات محترم حقوق بشر تقاضامندیم که آزادی معلمان زندانی بخصوص معلم شریف و زحمتکش آقای محمد امین آگوشی را از زندانهای ایران خواستار گردند.
زندانیان سیاسی زندان زاهدان
اردیبهشت 1392

امضاکنندگان : ایرج محمدی، محمد امین آگوشی، امیر طالب، احمد پولادخانی، حبیب ریگی، عبدالوهاب ریگی، عبدالغنی گنگوزه ای ، فرید شجاعی ، عبدالخالق شاهوزهی، حامد وکالت، عابد بمپوری ، اسحاق کلکلی، ناظر ملازهی، بشیراحمد ملازهی، عمادالدین ملازهی ، هوشنگ شهنوازی، سلمان میامی، خالد شه بخش، گل محمد شه بخش ، محمد پاک نیت

در کنگره امریکا قطعنامه پیشنهاد تجزیه آذربایجان و بلوچستان

"دانا روهرابچر" نماینده کنگره آمریکا قطعنامه را به مجلس امریکا برد که گام تازه ایست برای تکه پاره کردن ایران. وی رئیس کمیته فرعی سیاست خارجی کنگره امریکا در امور تحقیقاتی است و خواهان تجزیه خاک ایران بر مبنای قومی است. تجزیه آذربایجان و بلوچستان در این قطعنامه گنجانده شده است. از موارد مورد تاکید در این قطعنامه که معروف به قطعنامه ۱۸۳ شده، ارسال برنامه های رادیوی با شعاع وسیع تری برای زبان های آذری و بلوچی در نقاط مرزی و داخل ایران است. از جمله نواحی مرزی ایران و پاکستان که بلوچ ها در آن متمرکز هستند.

وی همچنین سال گذشته طی نامه ای به وزیر خارجه پیشین امریکا "هیلاری کلینتون" خواهان کمک به آذری های ایران برای اعلام استقلال شده بود. در قطعنامه شماره ۱۸۳ آمده است: استقلال بلوچستان باعث می شود که مردم بلوچ به ذخایر بزرگ معدنی، نفت و گاز در مرزهای ایران و پاکستان و منطقه استراتژیک مرزهای ایران در خلیج فارس و دریای عرب دست پیدا کنند.

           

Source: http://www.pyknet.net/1392/11ordibehesht/16/page/23Tajzieh.php

مرگ یک زن به دلیل نبود پزشک در یکی از مناطق سیستان و بلوچستان

بخشدار تلنگ گفت: “دهستان تلنگ این بخش هم با دو هزار و ۶۵۰ خانوار فاقد پزشک بوده این در حالی است که این دهستان منطقه‌ای مستعد برای شیوع انواع بیماری‌های عفونی از جمله اسهال و مالاریا است و طبق آمار رسمی سال گذشته بالغ بر ۳۰۰ مورد بیماری ثبت شده است.

یک زن به دلیل نبود پزشک در بخش “تلنگ” از توابع شهرستان قصرقند در استان سیستان و بلوچستان جان خود را از دست داد.

به گزارش تارنمای خبری شهرستان قصرقند، محمد شاهوزایی، بخشدار تلنگ گفت: “متأسفانه هفته گذشته یک زن به دلیل نفس تنگی شدید و عدم حضور پزشک فوت کرد.”

وی افزود: “بخش تلنگ از کمبود امکانات بهداشی و درمانی به شدت رنج می‌برد و مدت دو هفته است که پزشکان این بخش محل کارشان را ترک نموده و علی‌رغم پیگیری‌ها و مکاتبات با مدیران شبکه بهداشت و درمان چابهار، متأسفانه تاکنون خبری از آنان نیست.”

به گفته شاهوزایی “تنها خودروی درمانگاه این بخش در اختیار مدیریت شبکه بهداشت چابهار بوده و این مرکز از داشتن آمبولانس هم محروم است که این امر مشکلاتی را برای بیماران به بار آورده است.”

           

                http://www.radiozamaneh.com/68191#.UYkcIaK